首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   2399篇
  免费   66篇
各国政治   114篇
工人农民   118篇
世界政治   72篇
外交国际关系   208篇
法律   330篇
中国共产党   277篇
中国政治   470篇
政治理论   222篇
综合类   654篇
  2023年   15篇
  2022年   21篇
  2021年   24篇
  2020年   53篇
  2019年   43篇
  2018年   49篇
  2017年   44篇
  2016年   50篇
  2015年   21篇
  2014年   74篇
  2013年   184篇
  2012年   110篇
  2011年   118篇
  2010年   79篇
  2009年   100篇
  2008年   115篇
  2007年   134篇
  2006年   193篇
  2005年   178篇
  2004年   237篇
  2003年   183篇
  2002年   194篇
  2001年   135篇
  2000年   86篇
  1999年   14篇
  1998年   4篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   3篇
  1994年   1篇
排序方式: 共有2465条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
941.
A Tokyo-based economist and a noted western economic geographer, both specializing in the hydrocarbon resources of Russia, apply the framework of governance studies in an effort to gain a deeper understanding of the recent changes in the country's energy policy-making. The authors argue that, unlike the international relations paradigm prevailing in studies of Russia's energy policy, the country's multiple roles in the international energy arena (as producer, consumer, exporter, importer, and transit state) warrant a more nuanced approach, reflecting Russian energy policy's flexibility over time and diversity across space. This paper endeavors, therefore, to apply a political economy and governance perspective to an understanding of the significant changes in Russia's energy policy-making regarding its dynamic energy relations with the Northeast Asia (NEA; China, Japan, and South Korea). In exploring the complex interactions between Russia's internal energy policy-making and its emerging energy relations in NEA, the authors addresses three key questions, namely: (1) how Russia's Asian energy policy corresponds to its domestic needs, (2) how much coherence in energy governance and cooperation exists between Russia and the Northeast Asian states at the institutional and organizational levels, and (3) the extent to which Russia's expectations for increased energy cooperation with the Northeast Asian states are likely to materialize.  相似文献   
942.
ABSTRACT

This article situates the election of Barack Hussein Obama as President of the United States of America within the current global political economy. It examines the major tenets of neo-liberalism, the founding ideology of this economy, and the policies by which neo-liberal ideology targeted and achieved a diminution of global state authority concomitant with a rise of market sovereignty. The consequences have been disastrous for the evolution of constitutional democracy and are at the root of the current economic crisis. As a critical factor that propelled Barack Obama's election, this article argues that Obama's presidency may offer a turning point away from a neo-liberal ideology and towards a strengthened commitment to constitutional democracy.  相似文献   
943.
The impact of rising powers generally and the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - in particular on the existing global order has become controversial and contested. Donald Trump’s nationalist foreign policy agenda has raised questions about the BRICS willingness and capacity to provide leadership in place on an American administration that is increasingly inward looking. As a result, the rise of BRICS poses potential normative and structural challenges to the existing liberal international order. Given its geoeconomic significance, China also poses a potential problem for the other BRICS, as well as the governance of the existing order more generally. Consequently, we argue that it will be difficult for the BRICS to maintain a unified position amongst themselves, let alone play a constructive role in preserving the foundations of ‘global governance’.  相似文献   
944.
Prior research has not established a clear relationship between democracy and insulation from coups d’état, with very few studies illustrating robust findings on the subject. I contend that the lack of attention paid to the conditional influences of democracy on coups has resulted in these mixed findings. I posit that insulation from coups occurs at higher levels of economic development in both autocracies and democracies. However, the vulnerability present at low levels of economic development is significantly greater in democracies. Poor democracies lack the coercive capacity associated with authoritarian states, suffer from relatively weaker patronage networks, and have smaller pots for public goods provision, all making them less capable of maintaining elite loyalty. An assessment of 165 states for the years 1950–2011 offers strong support for the argument. Democracies are indeed an important part of the coup story, but only when simultaneously addressing their level of economic development.  相似文献   
945.
南海航行安全对世界经济的影响   总被引:13,自引:0,他引:13  
南海航行安全对亚太经济和与亚太经济联系密切的世界其它各地的经济发展都有重大影响,由于南海地区的海盗问题与周边国家的政治、经济、政治状况有直接联系,并且受到美、日、印等国对东南亚地区政策的影响,国际间打击海盗的合作和推动地区政治、经济、安全机制的建立成为当务之急。  相似文献   
946.
县域经济是国民经济的重要组成部分,是统筹城乡经济社会发展的基本单元,是全面实现小康社会目标的关键和重点。影响县域经济发展的因素主要有自然条件优势、产业与企业的竞争力、人力资源竞争力、与周边区域的互动力。发展县域经济要以工业化为动力,以城镇化为依托,以改革和制度创新为保障。  相似文献   
947.
产业集群是区域竞争优势形成的重要途径。产业集群的发展与核心企业的成长相互影响、相互决定。核心企业在产业集群发展中起着企业集聚、产业组织、产品导向、创新引领的作用。从陕西产业集群发展现状出发,产业集群发展的政策设计,应突出核心企业的集聚、衍生、裂变以及配套企业的关联和产业组织的根植。在产业集群发展的不同阶段,需采取相应的针对核心企业作用发挥的产业政策。  相似文献   
948.
长吉图开发开放先导区的区域引力与产业布局研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
长吉图开发开放先导区的成立,为东北亚的发展带来了新的机遇。虽然长吉图开发开放先导区内存在着两个经济中心,但延图龙地区的经济发展辐射能力明显低于长吉图。经过近十年的发展,使得长吉图的一体化趋势更加明显,该核心区的第二产业实力雄厚,第三产业发展相对落后;而延图龙核心区第二产业与周边地区产业发展存在脱离现象,未能实现优势互补,第三产业发展势头较好,但现阶段的辐射能力不足。因此,必须加大延图龙及珲春市的建设,推进另一个经济中心的快速增长;大力推进长吉图区域的交通建设,促进产业升级及转变产业增长方式。  相似文献   
949.
城乡统筹视角下吉林省县域经济发展的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
"十二五"时期,吉林省社会经济的发展关键在于统筹城乡,而发展县域经济是统筹城乡的必由之路。目前,吉林省县域经济发展的质量和效益都有稳步提高,但仍然存在着经济整体水平不高、地区发展不平衡、产业结构需调整、城乡差距大、生态环境差的问题。要全面推进县域经济,必须遵循"三化"统筹、推进城镇化和低碳化发展的原则:转变政府职能和经济发展方式;打造产业集群以推进工业化;发展城镇经济以推进城镇化;培育龙头经济以促进农业现代化。  相似文献   
950.
西方国家对缅甸实施长期经济制裁,深刻影响了缅甸的经济发展。2011年3月,缅甸新政府执政以来,采取了一系列政治经济改革举措,得到国际社会普遍认可,也促使西方国家放宽对缅甸的经济制裁。在此背景下,缅甸未来经济发展潜力巨大,但也面临诸多问题和挑战。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号