以法律为基础的反垄断战略问题论纲——兼论我国《反垄断法》的修订与完善

在《中华人民共和国反垄断法》实施已有12年、我国反垄断执法机构实现了"三合一"的重大改革以及国际形势发生重大变化的背景下,我国有必要从战略的高度来认识和对待反垄断问题。反垄断战略是以竞争政策和反垄断法为主要支撑点和动力机制的国家经济发展战略。我国反垄断法律制度的演进和完善为反垄断战略奠定了基础,我国的市场竞争状况构成了反垄断战略的国内环境,全球化和逆全球化的交织构成了反垄断战略的国际环境。我国反垄断战略要坚持使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用和更好发挥政府作用的结合,始终体现市场经济法治的原则和精神,切实维护国家的整体利益。在此基础上确定我国反垄断战略的总体目标,并可以进一步分为国内和国际两个层面的具体目标。目前正在推进的《反垄断法》修订是我国反垄断战略的一个重要实现契机,这种修订与完善也需要在国家战略的视角下进行。     

新思想库与奥巴马政府的亚洲政策决策——以新美国安全研究中心为例

在美国对外政策决策体系中,思想库在政策理念创新、人才储备、打造政策辩论平台以及教育和引导公众等方面具有非凡的作用。新近兴起的新美国安全研究中心对奥巴马政府的对外政策影响巨大。该中心的亚洲政策研究强调务实的态度,注重美国对亚洲事务的重新"参与",倡导强化和升级美国在亚洲的联盟关系,推动美国积极介入地区多边制度,其政策建议通过"旋转门制度"等对当前美国的亚洲政策决策产生了深刻影响。     

公共政策创新的因素分析——以《上海市政府信息公开规定》为例

随着施政的生态环境加速变迁,政府必须以创新公共政策的方式予以应对。但政府创新公共政策的内在因素是什么呢?已有的文献不仅局限于美国的政策生态,而且以计量方式考察经济、政治和社会因素,忽视了其中大量难以计量以及需要整合考察的因素。在一个融合条件(资源和要素、政治架构、现有制度和政策及社会文化)和机制(学习机制、决策机制、执行机制、激励机制和评价机制)的综合模型指导下,以分析性叙事的方法,具体考察上海市创新政府信息公开制度的内在因素。分析案例表明,尽管上海在条件和机制上都非常充分的情况下,也还必须融合各种条件和机制才能解释创新的出现及其有效运行。     

从《治安管理处罚法》的出台管窥我国的法治进程

《治安管理处罚法》的出台是我国治安管理领域的一次重要变革,它所反映出的对公民人权的保障,对警察权力的规范和制约以及对程序法制的重视,无疑是我国法治文明的巨大进步。但是它自身立法模式的相对滞后以及一些具体内容在理论界所引起的争论,也反映出我国的法治进程还有很长的路要走。     

数字经济监管体制创新的导向与路径

数字经济发展求对传统监管体制进行重构,通过监管体制创新来促进数字经济高质量发展.数字经济监管体制创新的基本导向为:始终坚持审慎包容的基本原则,将促进开放共享和鼓励创新作为政策基点、维护市场竞争作为政策重心、确保监管体制与政策动态有效作为政策理念.中国数字经济监管体制创新的基本路径为:建立相对完善的监管法律体系,构建"平...     

Legitimacy and post-conflict state-building: the undervalued role of performance legitimacy

Legitimacy is essential to state-building after conflict. Yet, the prescribed path to gaining legitimacy is often a narrow one that borrows heavily from the experiences of Western states. Elections are prescribed as an essential first step on the logic that this means gaining process legitimacy can rebuild a social contract between citizens and the state, a social contract that is rooted in democratic norms and values. This article proposes an alternative path, one that emphasises the critical role of performance legitimacy and its non-exclusive nature. Performance legitimacy is granted when citizens perceive that some or all of their basic needs are being met. The article offers a new analytical framework for understanding a state’s potential source of performance legitimacy, how non-state actors may vie with the state to seize this form of legitimacy, and what consequences this has for processes of state institution-building after conflict. In this respect, this article seeks to reorient theory and practice to a broader view of legitimacy and its critical role in post-conflict state-building.     

Islamophobic conspiracism and neoliberal subjectivity: the inassimilable society

O’Donnell analyses the confluence of Islamophobia and anti-government conspiracy theory in the works of the far-right think tank, the Center for Security Policy (CSP). He argues that, rather than only being a contemporary form of the religious and racialized demonologies that code ‘Islam’ as being the constitutive outside of ‘the ‘West—irrational, religious and authoritarian versus rational, secular and democratic—Islamophobic conspiracism should also be examined in the context of anxieties over the erosion of personal and state sovereignty under neoliberalization. Mobilizing an Islamophobic demonology that constructs ‘Muslims’ as inassimilable to ‘American’ subjectivity, the CSP's Islamophobic conspiracism projects this construction of absolute alterity on to American social and state systems. In doing so, O’Donnell contends, Islamophobic conspiracism takes neoliberalization's estrangement of the state and its citizens to its logical conclusion, transfiguring the societal processes that impact on the freedom of the individual—notably the state and civil society—into something inassimilable to that individual's claims to self-ownership and self-mastery.     

Public support for coercive diplomacy: Exploring public opinion data from ten European countries

Scholarship has increasingly acknowledged the importance of public attitudes for shaping the European Union's Common Foreign and Security Policy. Economic sanctions emerged as one of CFSP's central tools. Yet despite the emergence of sanctions as a popular instrument in the EU foreign policy toolbox, public attitudes towards sanctions are yet to be studied in depth. This article explains public support for EU sanctions, using the empirical example of sanctions against Russia. It looks at geopolitical attitudes, economic motivations and ideational factors to explain the variation in public support for sanctions. The conclusion suggests that geopolitical factors are the most important, and that economic factors matter very little. Euroscepticism and anti‐Americanism play an important role in explaining the support for sanctions at the individual level.     

Conditioned Networking: Swiss–EU Relations in Transport

This article addresses the structural characteristics of the interactions between Switzerland and the EU in the transport sector, i.e. transport by air and land. More precisely, it is focused on two different aspects of this relationship: first the modes of coordination between Switzerland and the EU according to the concept of external governance and, second, those conditions that make inclusive patterns of interaction more likely. The central finding of this case study is an expansion of both the regulatory and organisational boundary in both cases. This shift finds expression in the incorporation of Swiss actors into a variety of networks that, at least in some cases, allow Swiss actors to shape EU policy making. The actual patterns of interaction are influenced by a number of factors, including the type of governance inside the EU that facilitates the inclusion of third parties in EU external governance and the problem structure that is characterized by coordination rather than enforcement problems.     

Administrative reform assistance and democracy promotion: exploring the democratic substance of the EU’s public administration reform principles for the neighbourhood countries

International donors, particularly the European Union (EU), vehemently endorse institution-building and public administration reform (PAR) in their work on democracy support. Still, the linkages between externally sponsored reform and advancement of democratic governance in beneficiary countries constitute a blind spot in our understanding of democratization. This article contributes to examining this relationship by exploring the democratic substance of the EU’s PAR portfolio for the neighbourhood countries. The aim of the article is to focus attention on the PA–democracy interface in the study of democracy promotion by elaborating a conceptual framework for exploring the nature of externally supported administrative reforms and the substantive content of democracy being advanced. By using the OECD/SIGMA’s (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development/Support for Improvement in Governance and Management) PAR framework for the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) countries as a case study, this article demonstrates how the EU’s approach to programming PAR accommodates elements from several formats of democratic governance while the conceptualization of the democratic effects of the PAR principles remains vague. The article concludes by highlighting the need for closer examination of the potentials and limits of external PAR strategies in democracy support, and for attuning the EU’s PAR design to its democratic implications.