我国公司治理法律制度的弊端检讨及完善路径

我国的公司治理立法呈现出割裂性、矛盾性与过渡性的特征,问题并不在于立法模式的选择,而在于立法体例的设计不当。目前的最佳解决途径是改变既有的公司立法体例,抛弃有限责任公司和股份有限公司的传统分类,将公司分为开放型公司和封闭型公司来有针对性地设计公司治理制度。规则应进一步细化,仅仅对开放型公司强制规定公司内部治理制度,对封闭型公司则赋予更多的自主权,由股东在章程中自由进行公司组织机构的设置。通过立法体例的改革和规则的细化来满足私法对自由价值的追求和商主体对成本的控制,保障公司营利性目标的实现。     

区域环保督察的功能定位及制度完善

跨区域环境治理需要地方政府间的密切协作,同时也离不开具有更高权威的主体的介入。作为我国的跨区域环境保护管理机构,环保督察局应当在跨区域环境治理中发挥积极的作用。然而,由于功能缺位,长期以来区域环保督察机构在跨区域环境治理方面所能发挥的作用非常有限。解决这一问题的关键在于明确我国区域环保督察机构在跨区域环境治理中的功能定位。基于我国的生态环境治理实践,通过对“污染影响跨区域”和“污染源跨区域”两大类我国目前主要的跨区域环境问题进行分析可知,区域环保督察机构应当担任“监督者”而非“管理者”的角色。充分借鉴中央环保督察的制度框架,区域环保督察机构应当通过构建跨区域环境问题的信息和线索收集机制、督促整改机制和问责启动机制实现对地方政府涉跨区域环境问题执法的有效监督,从而发挥区域环保督察机构的跨区域环境治理功能。     

2030年全球战略预测

未来20年世界发展演进中将不会出现过往20年间较为典型的剧变和震荡。美国将在创新、金融和军事领域保持全球领导者的地位。中国地位的加强将最大程度地影响到全球权力均衡。以市场经济和民主为基础的全球化意识形态将维持其世界主导思想体系的地位。意识形态将更频繁地与全球的政治、社会经济和文化发展趋势相关联。这将成为未来全球治理意识形态的基础。在2030年前,世界文化体系以及各种文化内核发生大规模变化的可能性极小,同时很难形成创新文化和生产文化占主导地位的全球文化。全球治理的机制和原则将继续形成。世界经济发展的主要动力为创新和全球化。全球化在未来20年将继续推动世界经济的增长。但在预测期的前半段,将始终可以感觉到世界金融经济危机的影响。限制增长的主要因素来自于新的世界经济金融危机以及保护主义的抬头。2011-2030年,世界经济年均增速将达到4.0%到4.5%。中国接近中等发达国家水平并拥有较高的社会经济发展速度是2030年前的主要变化。发达国家和发展中国家的传统划分将发生改变。增长质量和竞争力标准将决定一国在世界经济版图中的地位。中国在GDP规模上至少会接近美国的水平,但GDP中的创新成分及其他质量型的成分方面仍将落后于...     

State of the field: What can political ethnography tell us about anti-politics and democratic disaffection?

This article adopts and reinvents the ethnographic approach to uncover what governing elites do, and how they respond to public disaffection. Although there is significant work on the citizens’ attitudes to the governing elite (the demand side) there is little work on how elites interpret and respond to public disaffection (the supply side). It is argued here that ethnography is the best available research method for collecting data on the supply side. The article tackles longstanding stereotypes in political science about the ethnographic method and what it is good for, and highlights how the innovative and varied practices of contemporary ethnography are ideally suited to shedding light into the ‘black box’ of elite politics. The potential pay-off is demonstrated with reference to important examples of elite ethnography from the margins of political science scholarship. The implications from these rich studies suggest a reorientation of how one understands the drivers of public disaffection and the role that political elites play in exacerbating cynicism and disappointment. The article concludes by pointing to the benefits to the discipline in embracing elite ethnography both to diversify the methodological toolkit in explaining the complex dynamics of disaffection, and to better enable engagement in renewed public debate about the political establishment.     

The mother's house of the San Francisco Zoo: the art of engendering space in the modern city

The Mother's House of the San Francisco Zoo opened in 1925 as a sanctuary for women visiting the grounds, and in the 1930s, was ornamented through an ambitious decorative program sponsored by the Public Works of Art Project. The program consists of long-overlooked murals painted by Helen Forbes (1891–1945) and Dorothy Pucinelli (1901–1974), and large-scale mosaics executed by the Bruton sisters—Margaret (1894–1983), Esther (1896–1992), and Helen (1898–1985). While the Mother's House could be interpreted as symbolizing a gilded cage that restricted woman's agency within the modern city, it can also be read as expanding women's roles in the public sphere. My article examines the Mother's House as a case study of the gendering of space wherein the site served not to inhibit woman's movement and participation in the modern city, but rather expanded the feminine realm beyond the domestic sphere, as well as supported the professionalization of women as public artists.     

The importance of input and output legitimacy in democratic governance: Evidence from a population-based survey experiment in four West European countries

The study of subjective democratic legitimacy from a citizens’ perspective has become an important strand of research in political science. Echoing the well-known distinction between ‘input-oriented’ and ‘output-oriented’ legitimacy, the scientific debate on this topic has coined two opposed views. Some scholars find that citizens have a strong and intrinsic preference for meaningful participation in collective decision making. But others argue, to the contrary, that citizens prefer ‘stealth democracy’ because they care mainly about the substance of decisions, but much less about the procedures leading to them. In this article, citizens’ preferences regarding democratic governance are explored, focusing on their evaluations of a public policy according to criteria related to various legitimacy dimensions, as well as on the (tense) relationship among them. Data from a population-based conjoint experiment conducted in eight metropolitan areas in France, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom is used. By analysing 5,000 respondents’ preferences for different governance arrangements, which were randomly varied with respect to their input, throughput and output quality as well as their scope of authority, light is shed on the relative importance of different aspects of democratic governance. It is found, first, that output evaluations are the most important driver for citizens’ choice of a governance arrangement; second, consistent positive effects of criteria of input and throughput legitimacy that operate largely independent of output evaluations can be discerned; and third, democratic input, but not democratic throughput, is considered somewhat more important when a governance body holds a high level of formal authority. These findings run counter to a central tenet of the ‘stealth democracy’ argument. While they indeed suggest that political actors and institutions can gain legitimacy primarily through the provision of ‘good output’, citizens’ demand for input and throughput do not seem to be conditioned by the quality of output as advocates of stealth democratic theory suggest. Democratic input and throughput remain important secondary features of democratic governance.     

公司治理的核心:股东自治——以"国美公司事件"为视角

公司的本质是股东投资营利、规避风险的工具,这决定了股东应当在公司的治理中处于核心和主导地位,股东自治应当成为公司治理的核心内容.国美公司股权争夺的过程始终体现了股东自治的理念.整个事件中,公司章程作为公司内部的"宪章",对实现股东自治起到了根本作用."国美公司事件"的启示在于公司治理应当坚持股东自治,公司立法模式应当坚...     

国家治理体系现代化的理论基础、历史变迁与发展进路

马克思主义国家理论是马克思主义经典作家在无产阶级革命实践过程中形成的关于国家的理论学说，为国家治理体系现代化提供了科学的理论基础。我国国家治理体系的建构和完善是适应经济社会发展在不同阶段上的客观要求而转变治理理念的结果，依次经历了局部探索、初步创建、发展完善、全面深化四个阶段的重大历史转折和跨越式飞跃，积累了包括加强党的领导、坚持人民至上、延续文化根脉、追求有效治理在内的诸多经验。如今的中国正在进入一个“顶层设计”的治理时代，力图从全局的高度实现对国家治理各方面、各层次、各要素的统筹规划，在时代方位、价值导航、制度统合、强劲动力等方面明确国家治理体系的发展进路，为全面建设社会主义现代化国家开好局起好步提供制度保障。     

Participatory innovations and maxi-publics: The influence of participation possibilities on perceived legitimacy at the local level in Finland

Participatory innovations (PIs) have been introduced as one possible cure to democratic malaises. Empirical research on these mechanisms for citizen participation has, however, focused on their effects on individuals and policy outcomes, leaving aside their consequences for the wider public. This article fills part of the gap by examining the effect of PIs on perceived legitimacy. The article acknowledges that citizens value not only outcomes but also the inclusiveness of decision-making processes, and defines procedural fairness and outcome satisfaction as the key evaluative criteria behind perceived legitimacy. Both total number and type of PIs are considered as possible factors shaping legitimacy evaluations. By analysing data from 9,022 citizens in 30 Finnish municipalities, the article reveals that introducing PIs is not a simple fix for legitimacy of local governments. The type of participation matters, with discursive participation generating the strongest effects on procedural fairness. However, attention should also be paid to citizens’ awareness of participation possibilities.     

Trade,peace-building and hybrid governance in the Sudan-South Sudan borderlands

ABSTRACT

Trade and markets in weak states are often discussed in relation with violence, security and peace-building. A case in point are marketplaces in the Sudan-South Sudan borderlands where communities separated by insecurity and hostility meet, not only to trade but also to negotiate and exchange information. This does not imply that establishment of such markets automatically results in peace and stability. Based on new empirical research on the Amieth market in Abyei – an area contested by the two Sudans – I argue that such markets rely on security guarantees negotiated between a set of heterogenous societal groups and that the overall impact of such border markets is largely determined within a context of hybrid security governance. The conclusion emphasises that without a proper analysis of this context, external assistance to such borderland markets might just as well enable violent conflict actors as being a tool for peace-building.