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961.
坚持和完善生态文明制度体系,构建现代环境治理体系,需要地方政府的创造性执行,把生态文明的制度优势转化为生态环境保护和环境治理效能,切实改善环境质量,不断满足人民日益增长的优美生态环境需要,建设美丽中国。推动地方政府的创造性执行,要建立必要的制度保障,核心就是地方政府推动发展的强力激励与地方政府生态环境主导责任落实的制度能够相容,还需要构建合宜的运行机理,即执行要落地、规划要协同、执法要服务。  相似文献   
962.
数据已成为数据经济的重要生产要素和企业之间竞相争夺的战略资源。当前数据法律规范体系正处在理论构建阶段,数据法律规范严重滞后于数据产业的发展,并引发诸多的数据纠纷。理论上,依靠传统财产权路径,尤其是创设绝对权性质的数据财产权成为数据治理的主要选择,但此路径面临着诸多问题,新型数据财产权的构建仍前途未卜。数据治理合同路径更契合当前数据经济的发展,在实现数据流通与商业模式创新上更具灵活性,其本质是数据许可合同的规范问题,应成为数据治理的重要法律路径。我国数据治理合同路径应当构建以数据许可合同为一类典型合同作为数据时代的基础合同,并参照国外相关立法实现此类合同的专门立法。  相似文献   
963.
As regulation increasingly results from the interplay of a wide array of different actors operating at different levels, it has become crucial to focus on how these constellations of regulatory actors operate. Although this research field presents huge potential for theoretical development, we still lack the measurement techniques to allow systematic comparative research. We contribute to filling this gap with four indices measuring crucial characteristics of multi‐actor regulatory arrangements: (i) the scope of organizational proliferation; (ii) the extent of coordination between regulatory actors; (iii) the amount of influence that each individual regulatory actor has on the sector regulation; and (iv) the extent to which the regulatory influence is concentrated in the hands of one or a few actors. We argue that our indices are sufficiently systematic, reliable, and flexible to be applied in a variety of research contexts relating to multi‐level and multi‐actor regulatory governance.  相似文献   
964.
中国近年应对包括1998年洪水,2003年SARS,2008南方低温雨雪冰冻和汶川地震等巨灾的实践申,充分发挥了国家政治制度在应对巨灾时的特殊功能,即:“举国应对巨灾”的范式。在这一范式中,各级政府的坚强指挥起到了核心作用;军队、武警及公安等组成的应急武装力量起到了关键作用;改革开放30年形成的较强国力起到了保障作用;广大群泉及各类社会力量的积极参与起到了推动作用;各类媒体的积极舆论引导起到了凝聚力量的作用。我们称这一“举国应对巨灾”范式为“巨灾风险防范的中国范式”。在这一范式中,“五个作用”的整合展示了中国综合灾害风险防范的结构与功能体系的优化,从而体现了巨灾风险防范的高效率,这一点对一些西方国家防范巨灾风险有借鉴价值。然而,在这一范式中,防范巨灾风险的效益仍需要做全面地改进。借鉴一些国家建立的巨灾风险转移的经验,发展巨灾保险与再保险业务;提高各类基础设施的设防水平和生态系统服务能力;提高全民防范巨灾风险的意识和掌握基本逃生技能;完善巨灾风险防范的预案和信息集成网络及指挥平台等,可全面提高防范巨灾风险的资源利用效益.  相似文献   
965.
当前普通农业型村庄的富人治村状况和乡镇治理能力表明,当前的富人治村与传统社会的乡绅治村截然不同,前者更多的是一种行政逻辑,很少积极主动地回应村庄内部的治理需求;后者则是一种自治逻辑,是基于乡村社会内生秩序与治理需求的考虑。相应地,依赖富人治村的乡镇治理逻辑已不再是与传统乡绅治村相适应的简约治理逻辑,而是一种治理逻辑,即依赖富人治村只是乡镇应对其治理能力衰弱,以实现各类行政和治理目标的策略。  相似文献   
966.
Poor working conditions in global supply chains have led to private initiatives that seek to regulate labor practices in developing countries. But how effective are these regulatory programs? We investigate the effects of transnational private regulation by studying Hewlett‐Packard's (HP) supplier responsibility program. Using analysis of factory audits, interviews with buyer and supplier management, and field research at production facilities across seven countries, we find that national context – not repeated audits, capability building, or supply chain power – is the key predictor of workplace compliance. Quantitative analysis shows that factories in China are markedly less compliant than those in countries with stronger civil society and regulatory institutions. Comparative field research then illustrates how these local institutions complement transnational private regulation. Although these findings imply limits to private regulation in institutionally poor settings, they also highlight opportunities for productive linkages between transnational actors and local state and society.  相似文献   
967.
This paper examines the use of evidence in collaborative policy making focusing on the challenges of implementing national decarbonisation policies in regional areas. Its case study of a staged policy intervention to promote the ‘transition to a low carbon economy’ in Victoria's coal‐dependent Latrobe Valley reveals the selective use of evidence to support policy directions that emerged from the interaction of policy knowledge and the political mood. The paper shows how local conditions can be manipulated to enable the production of evidence consistent with the policy objective, but also suggests that despite combining orchestrated evidence with customised forms of networked governance, it is not possible to suppress or deflect unresolved political disagreements.  相似文献   
968.
Over the past years, the economic crisis has significantly challenged the ways through which social movements have conceptualised and interacted with European Union institutions and policies. Although valuable research on the Europeanisation of movements has already been conducted, finding moderate numbers of Europeanised protests and actors, more recent studies on the subject have been limited to austerity measures and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has been investigated more from a trade unions’ or an international relations perspective. In this article, the TTIP is used as a very promising case study to analyse social movements’ Europeanisation – that is, their capacity to mobilise referring to European issues, targets and identities. Furthermore, the TTIP is a crucial test case because it concerns a policy area (foreign trade) which falls under the exclusive competence of the EU. In addition, political opportunities for civil society actors are ‘closed’ in that negotiations are kept ‘secret’ and discussed mainly within the European Council, and it is difficult to mobilise a large public on such a technical issue. So why and how has this movement become ‘Europeanised’? This comparative study tests the Europeanisation hypothesis with a protest event analysis on anti‐TTIP mobilisation in six European countries (Italy, Spain, France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Austria) at the EU level in the period 2014–2016 (for a total of 784 events) and uses semi‐structured interviews in Brussels with key representatives of the movement and policy makers. The findings show that there is strong adaptation of social movements to multilevel governance – with the growing presence of not only purely European actors, but also European targets, mobilisations and transnational movement networks – with a ‘differential Europeanisation’. Not only do the paths of Europeanisation vary from country to country (and type of actor), but they are also influenced by the interplay between the political opportunities at the EU and domestic levels.  相似文献   
969.
发展非政府组织与构建和谐社会   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
非政府组织具有实现社会稳定、促进社会和谐的作用,是构建社会主义和谐社会的重要支柱。目前,我国非政府组织的发展还不能适应经济社会发展的需要,还不能充分发挥非政府组织在社会稳定与和谐中的支柱作用。在构建和谐社会的过程中,政府要自觉运用非政府组织维护社会和谐与稳定,将非政府组织真正整合到社会治理结构之中。发展和规范非政府组织,要着眼于建立政府与非政府组织之间的合作关系,在促进非政府组织自主自治的同时,加大政府服务于非政府组织发展的力度,真正形成与市场经济相适应的公民社会。  相似文献   
970.
互联网+社会工作(简称互联网+社工)作为提升社会治理能力的新路径,正在改变着社会治理的传统范式。它回应了社会治理能力提升的新需求,实现了与社会治理新需求的有机契合。这种新路径,能使多元合作领域得以拓展,各类服务资源无缝链接,福利服务载体丰富多样,专业助人手段智能升级,社会治理绩效持续提升。面对智能化时代的新挑战,社会工作部门需要及时重塑行为模式,转变专业角色:一是要突出共建共治共享,从各自为战转向协同创新;二是要强调快速灵活精准,从行为悬浮转向科学介入;三是要升级资源链接方式,从简单应急转向无缝对接;四是要重塑专业关系网络,从关系疏远转向专业跟进;五是要倡导多元合作协同,从单一线下转向复合智能。新时代的互联网+社工,必须坚持以智能化升级为取向,在专业介入的机制、方法、程序、资源、品牌中融入科技变量,不断在优化新机制、升级新方法、开发新程序、链接新资源和拓展新品牌等方面取得新的突破。  相似文献   
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