公司治理机制的本土化——从企业所有与企业经营相分离理念展开的讨论

我国公司治理制度远未达到体系化、合理化的状态 ,应当通过立法方式限制股东会的权力 ;扩大董事会职权 ,增强董事会的代表性和独立性 ;修正或取消法定代表人制度 ,推行共同代表制度 ;实现企业所有与企业经营的科学分离 ,辅之于更强有力的信息披露制度     

全国人大常委会的代表性探讨

人民代表机关应该而且必须具有代表性,即必须经过专用程序和方式代表人民的意愿和利益。代表性是人民代表机关的根本属性。人民代表机关只有具有代表性,才能保障自身的民主性质。只有人民代表机关具有代表性,整个政权体系才具有民主根基。全国人大常委会的代表性还很欠缺。缺乏代表性使全国人大常委会的民意代表机关的真实性成为问题;这又不能不影响全国人大常委会行使职权的正当性。应从选举环节和沟通环节增强全国人大常委会的代表性。     

学习"三个代表"思想 实践"三个代表"要求

江泽民同志"三个代表"重要思想的提出经过了十余年的酝酿思考,是新的历史时期马克思主义基本原理与中国社会主义建设实践相结合的产物.我们应该把握"三个代表"思想的科学内涵和根本要求,与时俱进,全面推进建设有中国特色社会主义的伟大事业.     

论行政案卷排他原则的运作原理——听证者与决定者的统一机制

行政主体内部的管理体制,使得听证者和决定者在形式上必然是分离的。由决定者必须听证发展到听证者必须决定,再发展到案卷排他,才使得听证者和决定者达到完美的统一。而且案卷排他,通过案卷这个"隔音空间",使得机关决定和行政首长的个人决定也达到了完美的统一。最后,案卷排他,通过政策、经验和专业考量等裁量因素的入卷,使得行政首长最后的决定程序也变成了看得见的程序。     

西方现代代议制民主理论的发展与反思——兼谈其对我国社会主义民主法治建设的启示

代议制民主理论成为支撑现代国家的主流民主理论,但是也导致了西方政府的合法性危机和公共精神的萎缩.以密尔为代表的19世纪代议制民主理论,指出处于源头状态的代议制理论虽然承认少数统治,但支持通过参与达到公民教育的目的.我国建设社会主义民主的可行路径是:在党内民主层面发挥选优和监督的作用,在基层民主层面着力提高公民公共精神,...     

民国时期华侨议员选举制度及实践浅析

本文研究的核心问题是民国时期的华侨议员选举制度及具体实践,对华侨议员的产生方式及制度规定,具体选举组织和选务工作实践加以介绍。通过对华侨议员群体的居住地区、知识结构、政治立场的分析可以了解这一群体的基本特征,这是了解其政治意识和参政能力的前提。本文最后对整个民国时期华侨议员参政议政的实践、效果及不足之处加以分析和总结。     

Education and support for representative,direct and stealth democracy

Using data collected within the scope of a Dutch internet panel survey (LISS) in 2011, this study tracks public support for direct, stealth and representative democracy according to educational level. Our findings indicate that, in terms of overall support for each specific type of democracy, lower educated citizens are significantly more supportive of stealth and direct democracy than highly educated citizens. While the mean levels of support for representative democracy do not differ significantly between levels of education, multivariate OLS regression analyses show that lower educated citizens are noticeably more supportive of representative democracy once political efficacy, trust and satisfaction are introduced. When contrasting the different types of democracy directly with one another, we find that lower educated citizens have a greater tendency to prefer direct and (to a lesser extent) stealth democracy over representative democracy than higher educated citizens. Multivariate OLS regression analyses indicate that most of these educational gaps cease to be significant once the lower levels of political efficacy, trust and satisfaction of lower educated citizens are taken into account. Implications of these results for the debate on the functioning of democracy are discussed.     

Looking towards the East: the High Representative’s role in EU foreign policy on Kosovo and Ukraine

ASBTRACT

My article addresses the role of the two post-Lisbon High Representatives (HRs), Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini, in EU approach to the Eastern neighbourhood. Adopting a broad conceptualisation of EU foreign policy and drawing on the scholarly literature on new intergovernmentalism, it focuses on events that marked the HRs' mandates in the cases of Kosovo and Ukraine. In the case of Kosovo, it examines the HRs' role in the conclusion of the so-called Brussels Agreement (April 2013); and of the August 2015 agreements. In the case of Ukraine, it reconstructs how the HRs dealt with the events leading up to the November 2013 Vilnius Summit; and with those leading up to the conclusion in February 2015 of the Minsk II Agreement. The article argues that the European Council exerts tight control over the post-Lisbon HR, and EU foreign policy-making processes more generally. Nonetheless, the empirical analysis demonstrates that, under certain circumstance, the HR can significantly influence EU foreign policy in the post-Lisbon era.     

高较党外代表人士培养选拔工作的思考

做好高校党外知识分子工作,特别是党外代表人士培养选拔工作,是高校面临的重要任务,新一代党外代表人士高职称、高学历,视野开阔,思想敏锐,开拓精神和参与意识强。高校党外代表人士培养选拔工作要抓住源头,注重整体规划,抓好各个落实环节,进一步提高认识,切实贯彻落实中央有关文件精神,加大党外代表人士培养选拔工作力度。     

A look into the mirror: Preferences,representation and electoral participation

Voting Advice Applications (VAA) are often praised as tools helping users to find their best matching candidates or parties. Using such tools, so the claim goes, might trigger a positive impact on electoral participation. We show that the relationship between VAA usage and the intention to take part in elections indeed exists. The mechanism through which users are drawn to the polls or, inversely, detracted from taking part in the elections is, however, primarily working through the extent with which users' preferences overlap with those of the political parties running in the campaign. The further users find themselves away – in terms of this overlap – from the political parties, the higher the probability of a VAA deterring this user from participating.