继承孙中山爱国思想 实现祖国完全统一

爱国主义是贯穿于孙中山先生思想和行为的一条主线。中国共产党继承、发展孙中山先生的爱国主义思想,积极推进祖国和平统一大业,为实现两岸共同繁荣发展和国家统一强盛而不懈努力。在新的历史时期,我们要牢牢把握两岸关系和平发展主题,继续积极推动和深化两岸在经济、文化等方面的交流合作。     

Transnationalism and the French Nouvelle Droite

ABSTRACT

Born in 1968, the French Nouvelle Droite (ND) is a ‘cultural school of thought’. It created a sophisticated European-wide political culture of the revolutionary right in an anti-fascist age; it helped to nurture the discourse of ‘political correctness’ among extreme right-wing political parties, and turned former French ultra-nationalists into pan-Europeanists seeking to smash the egalitarian heritage of 1789. Bar-On argues that the ND world-view has been shaped by transnational influences and that the ND has, in turn, shaped a decidedly more right-wing political culture in Europe in a transnational spirit. The transnational impact of ND ideas is a product of three key factors: first, the intellectual output and prestige of ND leader Alain de Benoist; second, the ‘right-wing Gramscianism’ of the ND's pan-European project that mimicked earlier attempts to unite interwar fascists and post-war neo-fascists into the revolutionary right; and, finally, the political space opened up by the decline of the European left after the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. Bar-On concludes by considering the influence of the ND on contemporary European politics, as well as the implications for the struggles against racism and the extreme right.     

The Social Function of Carlos Fuentes: A Critical Intellectual or in the ‘Shadow of the State’?

This article seeks to raise meaningful questions about the role, or wider social function, of the intellectual within state–civil society relations in Latin America characterised by conditions of socio–economic modernisation. It does so by pursuing such questions through a detailed examination of the social function of Carlos Fuentes as an intellectual in Mexico. Through a focus on the social function of Carlos Fuentes, it is possible to distinguish the role intellectual activity can play in the construction and contestation of hegemony in Mexico. Most crucially, the article prompts consideration of the social basis of hegemony and the agency of intellectuals organically tied to particular social forces functioning through state–civil society relations in the struggle over hegemony. Put differently, it is possible to grant due regard to the mixture of critical opposition and accommodation that has often confronted the intellectual within Latin America.     

浅析大革命时期中共关于土匪问题的策略方针

近代以来,随着中国社会、政治、经济危机的加剧,土匪问题愈演愈烈,至中共成立时期,中国已俨然被西方学者描绘成为"土匪王国"、"盗匪世界"。中国共产党在成立后和大革命时期,坚持用马克思主义的立场、观点分析处理土匪问题,对中国兵匪互通的特殊国情、匪情保持清醒认识,充分认识到土匪问题的严重性及其对国民革命的影响,针对土匪问题的不同情形,采取有效的策略方针加以妥善处理,有力地推进了革命运动的开展,取得了一定的理论与实践积淀。     

国家、阶级与革命——评“西方马克思主义”的政治理论

在人们较多地关注“西方马克思主义”的哲学理论的情况下 ,挖掘一下其政治观点是很有意义的事。“西方马克思主义”理论家无论是把意识形态工具和文化手段视为国家机器的主要组成部分 ,还是对作为上层建筑的国家与经济基础关系的新解释 ,都是言之成理的 ,都是基于新形势对国家学说做出的新发展。“西方马克思主义”理论家的可贵之处还在于不像许多人那样轻率地宣布阶级已消失 ,而是正视现实 ,在肯定阶级存在的同时 ,对阶级结构和阶级划分等进行了新的探讨 ,特别是对无产阶级成份的变化提出了不少独到的见解。在革命这一字眼逐渐淡出之时 ,“西方马克思主义”理论家的另一个突出成就就是并没有随众送别革命 ,而是还坚持要求进行革命变革 ,并对为什么在当今的年代还有革命的必要性 ,特别是在新形势下如何实施革命做出了有益的探索     

期许与无奈——辛亥女性参政问题的性别化透视

辛亥革命时期,我国女性解放从对人格平等的憧憬开始向着政治觉醒的方向转化。女国民意识是这一时期女性政治意识觉醒的重要标识和女权运动的主要内容。女性革命先驱们期许革命时尽国民之责任,也期待革命成功后与男子共享国民之权利。南京临时政府成立,女性心怀憧憬,提出了女子参政的要求,并为此掀起了民初的女子参政运动。但女子参政要求不仅遭到了袁世凯北京临时政府的否决,在以孙中山为首、由革命派控制的南京临时政府也没有获得通过。女子参政运动的失败,体现着鲜明的性别歧视面相,也与女性的弱势与性别认识上的误区密切相关。     

试论辛亥革命对中国现代化的推进

辛亥革命开启了中国现代化的闸门,实现了中国政治从专制制度向民主制度的转化,而且还对中国的经济现代化、文化现代化、社会现代化进行了强有力的政策推动,是中国现代化进程历史链条中不可或缺的重要环节。     

The NHS Information Revolution: ‘Choice of Control’ to ‘Choice’ and ‘Control’

This paper provides a novel and critical analysis of the necessary and important balance between ‘individual privacy’ and ‘collective transparency’. We suggest that the onset of the Information Revolution has created a dilemma for the National Health Service (NHS) in terms of how it addresses its obligation to use information to improve best practice in healthcare for society (‘collective transparency’) whilst also keeping sensitive personal information confidential (‘individual privacy’). There is clearly a need to consider both whether the NHS is balancing this critically important informational relationship and whether its approach is fit for purpose. We argue that the NHS's ‘proxy-individual’ information guardian role could inadvertently mask individuals' intended roles, effectively circumventing autonomy-based laws by limiting the power of individuals to be autonomous. In this article we have identified three issues – first the prevailing ‘Mindset’ (the ‘M’) of ‘privacy’, which is viewed as individualistic, resulting in an overpowering concept of confidentiality; second, the quality and control of Information (the first ‘I’); and third, the concept of innovation (the second ‘i’), which is being used as a ‘solution’ rather than a vehicle for transparency. Indeed, transparency is our target of ‘best practice,’ and we suggest that individual privacy and collective transparency are best embedded within a complementary privacy framework that offers a better fit than the current split of control between the roles of the NHS and the roles of the individual. It is suggested that when facilitated by transparency, ‘control’ and ‘privacy’ form a continuum, aligning through the desire for choice. Therefore, the choice of control could facilitate control and choice. Together, they could replace the concept of privacy by empowering ‘informed patients’ to support the NHS's ‘No decision about me, without me’ pledge.     

“To establish a community of property”: Marriage and race before and during the Haitian Revolution

The Haitian Revolution (1791–1804) was the greatest social upheaval in the Age of Atlantic Revolutions. The paper presents results from the first systematic study of marriage during this event, which included slave rebellion (1791), general emancipation (1793) and political independence from France (1803). The article focuses on a single colonial parish, leveraging a sample of roughly 1000 contracts by comparing them with similar documents from same region in the 1760s and 1780s. Ironically, amid a revolution that was ostensibly eliminating slavery and racism, the interracial marriages that had once been common in this parish virtually disappeared. The wealthy “mulatto” families who had been free long before 1791 intensified their pre-Revolutionary pattern of endogamy and cousin-marriage. In the meantime, French male immigrants of the sort who, before the Revolution, had allied with these established clans, now shunned these marriages.