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31.
马恩关于全球化思想最初起源于他的世界历史和世界市场思想。这在《德意志意识形态》和《共产党宣言》中有较为集中的体现。资本主义生产方式的出现,分工和交往的扩大是世界历史出现的根源,也是世界市场进一步扩大的一个因素。最后,真正的全球化是共产主义的出现。马克思的关于对"世界历史"理论思想的研究,对于当今探索中国如何进行社会主义现代化建设,具有重要借鉴作用。  相似文献   
32.
Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions.  相似文献   
33.
In 2000, UNESCO declared Zanzibar Stone Town a World Heritage Site. Since this time the Tanzanian government and international NGOs (based in Zanzibar) have participated in the rehabilitation of the town's buildings and other physical infrastructure. However, little attention has been paid to the rich intangible heritage of the islands and the fusion of cultural expressions in this part of the world. This paper considers the important role of fragrances in the identity construction processes of Zanzibar islanders. The author offers a brief history, theoretical discussion and detailed ethnography of fragrance in Zanzibar. She discusses its role in the varied constitution of identity, belief and in life cycle rituals. The author further argues that fragrance and other seemingly ‘mundane’ heritages attract little attention in the preservation process and yet these indicate important cultural continuities in the Indian Ocean region and form a vital part of heritage and the harmonisation of cultures on the islands.  相似文献   
34.
世界银行的环境保护政策包括五个方面,即:环境评价、大坝安全、林业、自然栖息地和病虫害管理。世界银行的环境保护政策对我国的启示如下:一是树立新的发展理念;二是做好国际融资项目的环境影响评价工作;三是完善《环境影响评价法》,增强环境影响评价的独立性和权威性。  相似文献   
35.
Taomo Zhou 《亚洲研究》2019,51(2):166-197
ABSTRACT

Originating from the 1955 Bandung Conference, the Afro-Asian Journalists’ Association (AAJA) promoted international collaboration among journalists in newly independent countries. Built on an inclusive foundation of peaceful co-existence, the AAJA contributed to the development of expansive global information networks, lively intellectual traffic, and rich visual arts among Afro-Asian nations. However, the cosmopolitanism of its early years was later undermined by the decline of constitutional democracy in Indonesia and a lack of cohesion among Afro-Asian nations. After the September Thirtieth Movement in Indonesia in 1965, the AAJA relocated to Beijing and was mobilized by the Chinese state to promote the P.R.C. as the leader of an embittered Third World’s battle against American imperialism and Soviet revisionism. In the early 1970s, ideological fervor began abating in China. During this time, Mao’s reframing of the three worlds, which was based on developmental measurements, redirected the AAJA’s Third World discourse to issues of modernization until its quiet dissolution in 1974. The history of the AAJA demonstrates the complex and often conflicted ways in which two important post-colonial states – Indonesia and China – conceptualized “the Third World” and formulated media representations during the Cold War.  相似文献   
36.
This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them.  相似文献   
37.
入世后,随着我国政治、经济、文化领域的全方位开放,不可避免地会给社会稳定和社会治安带来许多新的情况、新的问题。贫困山区公安机关应适应新的形势,创新观念,努力探索构建“打、防、控”长效机制,严格规范执法行为,强化行政管理,提高民警素质,更好地为维护社会稳定、为经济发展服务。  相似文献   
38.
二战中罗斯福奉行"先欧后亚" 战略之原因探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
二战中罗斯福奉行的"先欧后亚"战略,既是美国全球战略的具体体现,又反映了国际社会主要矛盾的发展,同时中国人民的抗日战争也为该战略的实施提供了良好的条件.  相似文献   
39.
当今,“主旋律”影视作品长期处于叫好不叫座的尴尬局面。往往是影视剧播放之前.专业杂志好评如潮,无论是思想性还是艺术性都获得很高的评价,在每年的金鸡百花华表奖上,这样的影视片也是大赢家。可就是观众不买账,观众一听到带有主旋律作品味儿的片名就皱眉,心生反感、抵触,以至于电视台没有收视率,电影院里寥寥无几的票房也是要靠行政命令单位包场才能实现。《人间正道是沧桑》一剧的热播,从另一个侧面说明主旋律影视剧如何为广大观众所接受,其透视出的价值观,足以影响今天“哈韩”、“哈日”的年轻人。  相似文献   
40.
As the 1930s moved towards their close, a new generation of young men began to dominate the political wing of a generally more radical and assertive Argentine Nacionalismo, replacing the old guard that had found its inspiration in General José F. Uriburu and the regime he had led between September 1930 and February 1932. The Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, set up in September 1937, was the most important nacionalista faction of the period. It shared with other nacionalista factions the rejection of liberalism, parliamentary democracy and communism, but in contrast to the elitist and anti-popular orientation of earlier organisations, it aggressively tried to enlist popular support by portraying itself as a group genuinely concerned about the needs of the masses. The Alianza also distanced itself from the glorification of nineteenth-century Argentina, another hallmark of previous groups. Although it failed in its efforts to build up a significant following, the analysis nevertheless demonstrates that the organisation can be described as a genuinely fascist movement.  相似文献   
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