The resemioticisation of the socio-cultural construct of Nowruz festival in Tehran’s “Fatemi Spring” billboards

This study explores how the socio-cultural aspects of Nowruz are resemiotised to represent, orient and organize ideological constructs in Tehran’s “Fatemi Spring” billboards. These billboards are semiotic constructs with mixed messages about the coincidence of the Iranian new year festival of Nowruz at the beginning of spring and the Shia religious mourning on the occasion of the passing away of the holy prophet’s daughter Fateme, known as the Fatemiye period. Based on an integrated social semiotics approach, the study draws on multimodal analysis to elucidate the way semiotic resources are used for ideological transition within this discursive context. Quantitative enquiry methods are applied to illuminate the meaning construction processes shaped by the research corpus. The results show that in the generic discourse of Fatemi Spring billboards, the elements of Fatemiye mourning that belong to Shia beliefs are mostly preferred and the natural elements of spring are replaced by the Nowruz celebration rituals. Thus, people in power (billboard designers) appear to apply these ideological structures as a means to exercise discursive control over Tehran citizens.     

地方官员表态话语及其行为匹配——一个初步研究框架

官员表态话语作为展现政治倾向的方式,是一种常见但被忽略的学术议题。尝试厘清地方官员表态话语体系建构逻辑,并对照其表态话语与行为的匹配性。研究发现,向上表态是单一制国家地方官员权力遵从的必然方向,针对制度弹性的强弱可以选择贯彻执行型、发展协调型、竞争表功型等三种表态形式,地方官员基于成本收益的考量会选择完全匹配、阳奉阴违、部分匹配等不同的行为匹配方式。因此,可以从合理把握公共政策刚性与弹性的度、提升公共政策科学化水平、细化官员表态话语的语义解读、动态掌握官员表态之后的行为轨迹、实现“有责可问”向“有责必问”的转变等方面提升其言行匹配度。     

“东亚协同体论”与伪满“建国精神”

"七七"事变后,中国历史进入了全面抗战时期。日本帝国主义采取一系列军事行动的同时,加大了思想文化上的侵略力度。战争期流行的"东亚协同体论",就是为从思想文化上进行殖民扩张而制造的侵略理论。与伪满"建国精神"相比,这一文化渗透方式更加暧昧、更加隐蔽。从思想的内部关联看,可以发现它们具有同质性。     

Mediation and the Art of Shuttle Diplomacy

Mediation caucusing — that is, separate meetings conducted by the mediator with some, but not all, of the parties — is widely used, but it has become increasingly controversial, as some mediators advocate for a no‐caucus form of mediation using only joint sessions with all parties present. The rationale for the no‐caucus model is that caucuses give the mediator too much power at the expense of the parties, and joint sessions improve the parties' understanding of each other's views. But caucusing adds value to mediation in several ways. First, from the standpoint of economic theory, caucusing provides mediators with an important tool for overcoming two impediments to settlement — the “prisoner's dilemma” (caused by the parties' fear of mutual exploitation) and “adverse selection” (caused by the failure to disclose information). Second, caucusing can help the mediator overcome a variety of negotiation problems, such as communication barriers, unrealistic expectations, emotional barriers, intraparty conflict, and fear of losing face. Third, caucusing provides a more private setting in which the mediator can develop a deeper and more personal understanding of the parties' needs and interests. Although the no‐caucus model may be appropriate for certain types of mediation (particularly those cases in which the parties will have an ongoing relationship), some parties may prefer the efficiency that can be achieved with caucusing, even if that means sacrificing certain other values — such as greater understanding — or giving the mediator more information than the parties have, thus creating the risk of manipulation by the mediator. Moreover, the choice is not binary — numerous variations and hybrid formats can be useful, such as sessions in which the mediator meets with only the parties' lawyers or with only the parties. Choosing the best format for a mediation is more of an art than a science, and mediators should consider, with the parties, whether the parties' objectives would be best served using only joint sessions, extensive caucusing, or a combination of these approaches.     

人民检察院提起环境公益诉讼的职能定位研究

当前制约人民检察院提起环境公益诉讼最突出的问题,是我国法律尚未明确检察机关提起环境公益诉讼的职能。人民检察院提起环境公益诉讼,既缘于公民、环保组织、行政机关的局限性,也是人民检察院履行其职能的必然要求。人民检察院提起环境公益诉讼具有形式正当性和实质正当性。不断完善的立法将克服法条主义的缺陷,为人民检察院提起环境公益诉讼提供法制保障。     

论其他承担行政任务的组织

在现代西方国家,在传统的行政机关之外存在其他承担行政任务的组织,如公法人或公共机构甚至私法组织。在中国,有一些非行政机关或行政机构的事业单位和社会团体,由法律、法规授权或由行政机关委托,也承担一定的管理职能。对行政机关以外的其他承担行政任务的组织进行比较和分析,具有重要意义。     

“90后”志愿者在世博会志愿服务过程中的主体性收获研究

本文依据对30位世博会志愿者和志愿者领袖的深度访谈,以及通过482份调查问卷获得的第一手资料的分析,就“90后”志愿者在世博会志愿服务过程中的主体性收获展开了研究。发现世博会城市志愿服务经历给“90后”青年带来了极好的工具性收益、社会性收益和情感性收益,这无疑将有助于青年内化并保持志愿服务意识、提高其志愿服务的主动性,为城市在后世博时代开展日常性、社区性、长效性的志愿活动奠定良好的人力基础和意识支援。     

论普洱地区边防执法形势及对策

随着改革的不断深化,因企业改制、拆迁安置、林权改革等引发的各种各样的人民内部矛盾不断增多,影响边防边区稳定的因素也相应增多。同时,普洱边境地区走私、贩卖、运输毒品犯罪亦呈上升态势．打击毒品犯罪面临一系列的新问题和新困难,这给边防执法工作带来了新的挑战。要应对新的复杂的形势和任务,必须通过创新法治理念、健全执法制度、打牢执法基础、推动执法规范化建设等措施．来进一步增强公安边防部队的履职能力。     

中国政治现代化的动力:公民政治参与

中国政治现代化的基本目标是民主政治。民主政治的实现,和公民政治参与息息相关。中国政治现代化的过程离不开公民的政治参与。公民政治参与是中国政治体制改革的动力,是加强执政党能力建设的重要基础,是实现公民各项权利的重要基础。在中国政治现代化的过程中,需要规范公民政治参与,促进国家政治体制改革;推动公民政治参与,促进党的执政能力;保障公民政治参与,实现公民的各项权利。     

论高校图书馆馆读冲突及对策

本文围绕高校图书馆馆员与读者的关系,进一步分析了高校图书馆馆员与读者冲突的原因,在此基础上论述了宝鸡文理学院图书馆规避馆员与读者之间冲突的相关对策与建议。