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21.
传统文化变迁与民族文化传承,是民族学或文化人类学研究的重要问题。以台湾少数民族泰雅人为例,近百年来,他们彻底改变了原始农业与狩猎采集的经济,改变了传统社会制度,最终导致部落解体。但在发展旅游观光业时,泰雅人注重下一代的双语教学,开办了泰雅文化和语言课程,开展了传统技艺学习,以各种方式挽救传统文化,所取得的成绩和存在的问题具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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论中央与地方权限争议法律解决机制 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
解决中央与地方权限争议在西方联邦制和单一制国家有不同的模式 ,但基本上是由司法机关或专门的机关处理 ,而我国解决中央与地方权限争议的机制尚未建立健全。随着地方制度的深入改革和权力下放的进程 ,要在坚持国家统一前提下 ,进一步明确划分中央与地方的权限 ,完善解决中央与地方权限争议的法律 ,建立健全中央与地方权限争议的处理机构 相似文献
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法律监督在我国监督体系中的地位与作用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
我国的监督体系是一个对权力进行多角度监督制约的有机统一体。法律监督是检察机关依法对法律的执行和适用情况进行的有法定效力的监察、督促工作,其本质属性是权力制约。检察机关的宪政地位决定了法律监督在我国监督体系中的独特地位,具有其他监督形式不可比拟的优势,在监督体系中发挥着独特的、不可或缺的作用。 相似文献
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David J. Webber 《政策研究评论》2008,25(4):313-332
Earth Day 1970's legacy overshadows two earlier events resulting in popular misconceptions about U.S. environmental politics: that environmental policy began with Earth Day and that Congress and the president were not concerned with the environment until public opinion and interest groups pressured them. These misconceptions increase public opinion ambivalence and frustrate environmental leaders. This paper describes Earth Day 1970, the congressionally established Outdoor Recreation Resources Review Commission established in 1958, and President Kennedy's Natural Resources Tour of September 1963, arguing the latter two prepared for the convergence of multiple streams of policy change that resulted in the first Earth Day. 相似文献
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我国签订的双边投资协定中一般都规定了投资者与东道国政府间投资争端的解决方式,尤其是晚近我国所签订的双边投资协定多数允许投资者将争端提交国际仲裁。但是,在目前全球应对气候变化背景下,作为温室气体排放大国,我国有义务控制和减少温室气体的排放,采取相应的环境规制措施,这些环境规制措施可能会损害或影响到外国投资者在我国的利益。根据双边投资协定,外国投资者可能会将这些争端提交国际仲裁,我国有可能被国际仲裁庭裁定为此对外国投资者承担相应的赔偿责任。面对新形势,我国必须重新审视双边投资协定中投资者与东道国投资争端解决方式的相关规定。 相似文献
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Ian R. Curry 《环境索赔杂志》2020,32(1):77-100
AbstractAs the largest source of carbon-free energy in the United States, nuclear energy must play a vital role in reducing emissions. This article suggests the Green New Deal, an ambitious federal proposal to address climate change, should aim to preserve the existing nuclear fleet by authorizing states to establish zero emission credit (“ZEC”) programs. The ZEC programs will provide credits, in the form of revenue, for the carbon-free attribute of nuclear energy. This article posits the ZEC programs should be based on a model ZEC program developed by the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission and explicitly authorized by amendment of the Federal Power Act to avoid issues of preemption. 相似文献
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Yukio Adachi 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2019,21(1):116-129
ABSTRACTThe aim of this essay is to examine if and how it is possible for the political system of democracy to effectively tackle long-term public problems that are wicked in nature, taking climate crisis as an example. It consists of four sections. The first section is devoted to a brief historical overview of the conflict between eco-authoritarianism and ecological democracy. The following section examines if and to what extent “environmental pessimism” – disillusionment with the ability of liberal/capitalist democracies to effectively tackle long-term environmental problems – which has made a remarkable comeback since late 1980s, is empirically grounded, on the basis of performance evaluation of the contracting parties to the Kyoto Protocol (adopted on 11 December 1997 and entered into force on 16 February 2005), and the Climate Change Performance Index that evaluates and ranks the climate mitigation performance of 58 countries responsible for over 90 per cent of global energy-related CO2 emissions, released every year by Germanwatch and Climate Action Network Europe. The third section focuses on more theoretical/normative issues, critically examining the cogency of a claim, made by no small number of environmental pessimists, that democratic institutions, due to their myopic tendencies, usually work systematically to the disadvantage of future generations. The last section is devoted to the examination of measures thus far advocated and partly put into practice for correcting the myopic tendencies of democracy, emphasizing the vital need for non-representative measures, or self-restraint mechanisms built into democracy itself, whose primary function lies in preventing democracy from degenerating due to the influence of the myopic majority, thereby protecting ecological sustainability and the well-being of future generations. 相似文献