论军事斗争准备中军人的法律期待与战斗力

军事斗争准备中军人的法律期待是一种特殊的法律意识,具有主体特定性、利益追求性、军事关联性、内容预期性等特点,产生于个人利益及其与军事行动间冲突的存在和良好的法治环境之中,包括对立法、执法和战争法规的期待.它直接而且根本地影响和制约战时部队的战斗力.目前部队官兵法律期待的状况,还不能完全适应军事斗争准备任务的现实需要,应当予以培养和引导.     

超越“劳动二分法”：平台用工法律调整的基本立场

平台用工是一个宽泛的概念,具有劳动法讨论意义的是组织型平台,包括基于劳动合同的模式和非基于劳动合同的模式,后者是法律关系定性争论的对象。此种非基于劳动合同的平台用工模式不同于常规劳动关系,在劳动过程中同时存在一定程度的平台控制与劳务提供者自主,不符合现有从属性标准,不成立劳动关系,在现行法中属于民事非典型合同中的混合合同。此种平台用工在当前"从属性劳动—独立性劳动"构成的"劳动二分法"框架下不能实现有效调整,给予劳务提供者的权益保障不足。问题的成因在于劳务提供者的学理定位是"类雇员",此种平台用工的本质是承揽合同社会化,属于"劳动二分法"下的制度空白地带。因此,应根据此种平台用工中劳务提供者的社会保护必要性,构建介于民法与劳动法之间的"类雇员"规范体系,推动法律对社会劳务给付的调整框架从"劳动二分法"向"劳动三分法"转型。     

Precarity,Cognitive (Non-)Resistance and the Conservative Working Class in China

ABSTRACT

Workers’ resistance is crucial to understanding how the working class respond to the growing labour precarity in post-socialist China. The labour studies literature posits that inequality and volatile capital movements increase workers’ precarity and lead to stronger labour resistance, such as strikes. However, workers’ cognition as an integral part of resistance has been rarely studied. This article examines cognitive resistance by Chinese workers from different tier cities by looking at their social trust, class identity, understanding of policies and class solidarity. Despite capital movements and precarity causing more labour unrest, it does not necessarily lead to a stronger cognitive resistance. While inequality and precarity are greater in the more developed megacities with a shifting capital favourability, workers in megacities display a more conservative cognitive resistance than those from the lower-tier cities. This study of workers’ cognitive resistance provides insight into the future of the Chinese labour movement. It argues that the working class’s current cognitive non-resistance suggests that even if a window of opportunity were to appear in the wall of state oppression, workers are not cognitively prepared to coalesce into a coherent social movement that would bring about transformative changes.     

Correlates of the Co-Occurrence of Wife Abuse and Child Abuse Among a Representative Sample

The co-occurrence of domestic violence and child abuse is well documented (Appel, A. E., & Holden, G. W. (1998). J. Fam. Psychol. 12: 578–599; Edleson, J. L. (1999). Violence Against Women 5: 134–154). However, little is known about the correlates of co-occurring wife and child abuse. Analyzing data from the 1985 National Family Violence Survey (subsample N = 2733), this study identified risk factors associated with the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse. One-way ANOVA and chi-square analyses were conducted to compare characteristics of parents, children, and households among subgroups of families reporting some form of abuse. Key differences emerged between the three types of homes compared (i.e., those with child abuse alone, wife abuse alone, or wife and child abuse), indicating possibly distinct etiologies and processes. In particular, the co-occurrence of wife and child abuse was marked by less education, worse health, increased reports of depression, and increased husband drug use. Findings may be useful to practitioners and researchers interested in risk factors for different forms of family violence.The total does not equal 100% because certain states report more than one form of maltreatment per child.     

行帮对早期工人运动的影响

行帮是中国历史上曾普遍存在的一种社会团体组织。在早期工人运动中行帮是工人运动的主要组织者,是早期工人组织的主要参照模式;同时,由于行帮狭隘的利益,又影响了工人阶级的内部团结,为早期工人运动带来了诸多负面影响。行帮抵御了近代中国资本主义发展的冲击,表现出较强生命力。行帮既是中国社会进入危机阶段的伴生物,也是中国独特的近代工业发展进程和近代工人阶级队伍形成样式的社会后果,旧式行帮的延续也同时反映了中国特有的"同乡文化"的影响。     

不断增强党的阶级基础和扩大党的群众基础的政治意蕴

"三个代表"要求加强和改进党的建设,必须强调党的阶级性和群众性,因为党的阶级性是党的先进性的根本依托,群众性是党的先进性的重要支点,阶级性和群众性的有机结合是"三个代表"要求的生动体现。     

“三个代表”重要思想产生的社会历史条件

“三个代表”重要思想是邓小平理论的新发展,它的产生有其客观的社会历史条件。这些社会历史条件是国际环境的新变化,我国国内经济成分、阶级阶层、思想观念的新变化,党情的新变化,对苏联共产党和中国共产党历史经验教训的科学总结。     

Race, Caste, or Class? The Bunche–Myrdal Dispute Over An American Dilemma

Few observers doubt that Gunnar Myrdal and Ralph J. Bunche had sharp methodological disagreements and differing approaches to tactics for ending the Negro problem. Myrdal has been criticized as a statist liberal and utopian moralist by recent cultural historians defending progressive nationalism (multiculturalism), while Bunche has been characterized as a vulgar Marxist, and, with Myrdal, a denigrator of black culture. Inspection of An American Dilemma in contrast with Bunche's research memoranda suggests that Myrdal represented himself as a Burkean conservative, while Bunche's analyses transmit the radical puritan libertarian tradition, but without rejecting social democratic remedies en route to working-class control of industry. Their shared emphasis on class-based remedies to end poverty and powerlessness, however, renders them similarly unassimilable in a period where the progressive left has generally embraced racial or ethnic identity, not class power, as the source of individual emancipation, mental health, and economic betterment.     

有组织犯罪的成因及对策

现阶段,我国带黑社会性质的有组织犯罪呈逐年上升之势。有组织犯罪的产生有其深刻的社 会原因。根治有组织犯罪的对策不能过于单一,更不是仅靠“严打”所能解决的,必须采取 多方位的综合措施。     

学习“三个代表”的重要思想坚持全心全意依靠工人阶级的指导方针

江泽民同志提出的"三个代表",深刻揭示了在建设有中国特色的社会主义的整个历史进程中,党要始终不渝地坚持全心全意依靠工人阶级指导方针的历史必然性,既是对马克思主义党建理论的继承和发展,也是对马克思主义工运理论的继承和发展.