中央企业企业文化建设的现状及其发展思路

中央企业在企业文化建设的实践和探索中取得了可喜的成绩,但也存在着一些问题。今后要努力建立起适应改革开放和社会主义市场经济发展要求,符合企业发展战略,遵循文化发展规律,体现员工根本利益,具有中央企业特色的企业文化体系。     

中国地方政府创新的类型学:基于"控制-嵌入-规范"框架的分析

府际结构、政社关系与行政文化是理解地方政府创新的关键变量,并构成了地方政府创新的"控制-嵌入-规范"框架。基于此框架,区分了三种典型的地方政府创新模式:中央主导型创新、地方回应型创新和地方自发型创新,并对三种地方政府创新的特征、优势及局限等进行了对比。创新类型的差异实则是地方政府创新核心机制和关键变量的区别。分析表明,控制、嵌入和规范机制对地方政府创新的内在逻辑有较强的解释力。而该类型学划分在理论上部分回应了当前有关中国地方治理模式的讨论,在经验上为进一步通过地方政府创新推动地方治理现代化提供了参考。     

Insecure peace: understanding citizen and local government relations in a Maoist-affected region in India

This paper examines emerging citizen and local government relations in a village in the Junglemahal region of the state of West Bengal, once a major bastion of the Maoist insurgency in India. Since 2014, Junglemahal has not experienced a single Maoist-related incident. This has been widely attributed to the West Bengal government’s “model” handling of the insurgency, which rests on the rapid mobilization of public services through the non-elected arms of local governments, bypassing elected officials. How have Junglemahal’s residents experienced this particular form of post-conflict governance? Drawing on the culture-centered approach that ethnographically observes the processes of identifying development problems and developing community-grounded solutions to these problems, our findings indicate that the hyper-developmental state was paradoxically experienced by our respondents as a very distant entity. A recurrent theme in our interviews is the absence of a locally embedded party leadership that could be approached regarding issues of distributive justice. We argue that this desire for party mediation in public service delivery is an expression of a powerful social norm that has survived the conflict and ought to be integrated into post-conflict governance structures if the current peace is to endure.     

The evolving narrative of denial: the Fraser government and the Timorese genocide, 1975–1980

As research by the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation in East Timor documents, the years 1975–1980 constituted the worst period of the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, during which grave human rights took place involving a high loss of life. In Australia, the government headed by Prime Minister Malcolm Fraser (1975–1983) sought to present itself as a supporter of human rights and the international rule of law. It also prioritized relations with the Suharto regime, which it saw as key to its policy position in Southeast Asia. These two positions came into conflict due to the Indonesian invasion of East Timor. The Fraser government therefore worked to propagate a narrative concerning East Timor which denied the seriousness of the situation, distorted the historical narrative, deflected blame from Indonesia, and depicted the Australian position as principled and realistic. This paper examines the development of this narrative as events progressed and information concerning the crisis in East Timor came to the attention of the outside world. It also examines how the Fraser government employed this narrative internationally in order to protect the Suharto regime from scrutiny.     

The Italian Welfare State in the Crisis: Learning to Adjust?

Abstract

After a decade of inertia, that left it unprepared to withstand the blow of the great recession, the Italian welfare state has witnessed significant changes since 2012. Externally driven consolidation in the wake of the sovereign debt crisis spurred yet another wave of social policy reforms after that of the 1990s. These reforms did not however invariably entail retrenchment. Both the Monti and the Renzi governments combined liberalisation with expansion of social rights, particularly in income support. As a result, the Italian welfare state looks more comprehensive than it was before the crisis. At the same time, there was no overall strategy of welfare modernisation based on coordinated social investment measures. The changes in Italian social policy since the outburst of the great recession highlight the importance of domestic politics interacting with external drivers of change. They also facilitate an assessment of the opportunity structures for further reforms in a political system that appears to be veering again towards consensus democracy.     

‘Soft’ forms of direct democracy: Explaining the occurrence of referendum motions and advisory referendums in Finnish local government

This study investigates ‘soft’ forms of direct democracy and identifies factors that explain their occurrence. Soft direct democracy refers to non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums, which the literature on direct democracy has largely ignored. Strategic motives have dominated previous explanations of the occurrence of initiatives and referendums, but are less useful in exploring non‐binding procedures of direct democracy. The article distinguishes four types of factors – socio‐structural, party system, political support and learning – and tests hypotheses on their effects with sub‐national data from Finland. The data enable us to compare two different types of instruments – non‐binding referendum motions and advisory referendums – while controlling for many unobserved factors. The findings show that erosion of political support, participatory traditions and policy diffusion explain the occurrence of bottom‐up referendum motions, while the last two together with small population and party system factors predict the occurrence of advisory government‐initiated referendums.     

The Bangladesh party-state: a diachronic comparative analysis of party-political regimes

Since independence in 1971, both civilian and military regimes have ruled Bangladesh. As many other military regimes did, the latter civilianised their rule through the formation of political parties and participation in general elections. When diachronically analysing political formations in Bangladesh, it is appealing to make a clear-cut distinction between autocratic and democratic regimes. However, this article argues that throughout its post-independence history, the dominant form of rule has been the party-state. Revisiting the work of Aristide Zolberg, this article develops a typology of party-states, away from its initial focus on single-party regimes. It argues that party-state formation can also be witnessed in competitive electoral settings.     

宪法保障新时代社会主义意识形态建设之理性审视

意识形态是宪法的基本内核,宪法是意识形态最重要的载体,意识形态要通过宪法来体现和维护。注重宪法保障是我国意识形态建设的一条宝贵经验,我国宪法确认和赋予了社会主义意识形态的宪法地位,划设了意识形态领域的宪法红线,为社会主义意识形态建设提供了根本法治保障。我国现行宪法是符合国情、符合实际、符合时代发展要求的好宪法。在深入推进全面依法治国的新时代,需要通过完善以宪法为核心的中国特色社会主义法律体系、强化宪法实施监督、压实党组织推进宪法实施的政治责任、提高宪法宣传教育质量措施等,进一步健全保证宪法实施的监督机制和具体制度,着力提高宪法实施水平,在推进宪法实施中强化社会主义意识形态建设的宪法保障。     

政府职能转变与非政府组织发展的逻辑关联

我国行政体制改革的关键是转变政府职能,真正实现政企分开、政社分开。在政府——市场——社会三者之间要实现统一和谐,则需要一个中介和桥梁,这个中介就是非政府组织,非政府组织与政府职能转变之间有着密切的关联,相互促进,相互合作,密不可分。     

地方政府有效执行中央政策研究

地方政府有效执行政策是中央政府治理国家的关键和地方政府职能的重要体现,也是实现地方社会经济发展的根本保障。