企业合规制度中认罪问题研究

在企业合规制度中,涉罪企业认罪既是启动合规考察的前提条件,亦能体现检察机关提前采取“准刑罚”措施的正当性。围绕中小微企业这一类主要适用对象,企业认罪的实践困境包含直接责任人员未参与罪名合意、认罪真实性与自愿性难以保障、检察机关接触企业认罪较晚等。究其原因,主要为“认事”与罪名合意之人发生分离、合规不起诉的优待及于直接责任人员、公诉裁量权较大且外在监督不足等。同时,从试点情况看,企业认罪的具体表现形式为第三方组织审查和建议采取何种合规计划、合规考察合格后检察机关是否不起诉等提供了参考和依据。面对诸多实践困境,应从赋予两类代表人员相关性权利、对直接责任人员慎用不起诉、逐步完善企业合规规则、强化公诉裁量权的外部“风控”因素四方面加以改进。     

大学生社会主义核心价值观认同基础研究——以中华优秀传统文化为视角

中华优秀传统文化,是社会主义核心价值观的重要来源,也是其重要组成部分。挖掘中华民族优秀传统文化,汲取华夏文明精华,是建设社会主义现代化国家的必然举措,也是实现民族复兴,实现中国梦,培育和践行社会主义核心价值观的文化土壤。正如习总书记所说:"我们提倡和弘扬社会主义核心价值观,必须从中华优秀传统文化中汲取营养"。因此,在中华优秀传统文化视域下,拓宽社会主义核心价值观的认同基础,增强大学生的文化自信、文化自觉、文化自为,既有必要性,也有必须性,是科学性和合理性的辩证统一、合目的性与合工具性的完美结合。     

South African election posters: Reflecting the maturing of a democracy?

Abstract

The South African democracy has survived three national and provincial elections and three local elections, since 1994. In comparison to other young democracies in Africa, South Africa has experienced a relatively stable transition to democracy. However, the ruling ANC has not been under pressure from opposition parties. Although this has helped pave the way, a dominant governing party does not necessarily encourage the growth of a mature, democratic political culture. The assumption of this article is that political parties in developing societies have a normative obligation to do more than canvas votes during election campaigns. Political parties should also be instrumental in fostering a democratic political culture by communicating democratic values, encouraging participation in the democracy and enabling voters to make an informed electoral choice. Although political posters contribute mainly to image building, the reinforcement of party support, and the visibility of the party, posters are the agenda setters or headlines of a party's campaign – it is therefore argued that political parties in developing societies also need to design political posters responsively, in order to sustain the democracy. In general it seems that the poster campaigns of parties have matured since 1999, in the sense that there was less emphasis on democratisation issues in the past, and the campaigns conformed more to the norm of Western political campaigning.     

监听措施的法律规制

监听措施的采用是各国在面对日益复杂的犯罪形势的一种必然的有效的选择,但监听措施是以侵犯公民基本权利为代价.因而,监听措施的适用必须进行利益衡量与价值选择,遵循比例原则,进行法律规制.我国刑事程序立法应明确规定监听应遵循必要性原则、监听的适用范围、适用主体及监听措施的核准权主体.应当建立对被监听者的权利救济机制.     

电视连续剧《便衣警察》的时代主题和警察形象

公安题材是一类持续活跃在荧屏上的电视剧题材。《便衣警察》热播至今也已长达二十年,它不是一部只有智力和打斗游戏的公安警匪剧,而是有着深刻的人文命题的高水平作品。人文精神的体现与人物身上折射出的道德观与价值观是分不开的。尽管《便衣警察》的故事时代已离我们远去,社会物质和精神等方面的变化日新月异,但是《便衣警察》依旧感人,这是因为电视剧张扬的是正面的、积极的精神力量,实际上也体现了当代中国社会人们普遍认同、并努力宣扬和追求的人性化的主流价值观。     

非法吸收公众存款罪公开性特征的具体认定

非法吸收公众存款罪的公开性是该罪认定上的难点,也是理论研究的薄弱环节,其中的相关问题应得到进一步明确。首先,公开性的本质是宣传对象的不特定性,即针对不特定多数的人进行宣传。其次,公开性与社会性存在交集和重叠,同时也各具独立价值。第三,在口头传播的性质认定上,应区分是否为集资人授意及集资人对集资信息的扩散持何种心态。第四,公开性不以虚假宣传为必要。     

大学生职业价值观教育中的思想政治教育研究--以对云南高校学生职业价值观的调查为例

培养适应我国社会主义现代化事业的高素质人才,教育引导学生树立正确的世界观、人生观和价值观,是我国高等教育根本任务的应有之意。大学生职业价值观教育中的思想政治教育,是以大学生全面发展为目标,是解决大学生思想问题与解决实际问题的结合,是增强和提高思想政治教育针对性、实效性的有效途径,是顺应时代发展和满足社会和谐需求的新趋势。笔者通过实证研究的方法了解、分析当代大学生职业价值观的特点,从高校思想政治理论课的视角,提出进一步加强当代大学生职业价值观教育中思想政治教育的对策,增强思想政治教育的针对性和实效性。     

关于虚假诉讼刑民法律对接的思考--兼评《刑法修正案（九）》新增虚假诉讼条款

虚假诉讼行为严重危害司法秩序,需要设立专门的法律对其进行规制。2012年修改后的《民事诉讼法》率先将虚假诉讼行为剥离出来,进行明确规定,2015年8月《刑法修正案（九）》更是增加专门的虚假诉讼条款,将虚假诉讼行为独立入罪,实现了刑民立法上的对接,但在条文设置上和适用上也还存在一些问题值得探讨。笔者对虚假诉讼刑民法律对接进行思考,并对《刑法修正案（九）》新增虚假诉讼条款加以分析,提出一些实践中如何刑民结合打击虚假诉讼的建议。     

Forming Political Culture and Marketing Strategies in a Central-European Setting

ABSTRACT

Having analyzed the different strategies used in the 1998 and 2002 parliamentary election campaigns with reference to the 1990 and 1994 campaigns, we can conclude that the Hungarian election conventions and culture are still in a state of experimentation and exploration. In contrast with American election traditions, in Hungary, not the individual (with the exception of the Alliance of Young Democrats), but the party image is what counts, though, in this respect, considerable changes could be observed during the last few years. The Hungarian political palette is much too fragmented, and this sets a barrier to the necessary desire for creating a suitable forum for the debate of the party leaders and for the declaration of party politics. At present, the party programme reaches the citizens just in implicit, hidden, often symbolic forms of messages.

While the symbols of the left-wing parties were sketchy, unskillful, too rational, and not giving much space for emotional influence, the right-wing parties gave too large of a dose of different symbols, which were emotional rather than rational. This lack of balance made the campaigns superficial, irrational, sometimes misleading, and abnormal. This feeling of abnormality was strengthened by the fact that the overdose on the part of the right wing was not limited to the campaign period, but the emotional shocking started much earlier. The state of excitement, which was spread in time, actually started in the spring of 1998, and even if there were fluctuations, the general mood of the last four years was characterised by the dug-out hatchet. The political opinion of the Orbán party was clearly expressed by their metaphors. The message of the sentences like 'it is more than change of government, less than change of regime,' 'attacking on the whole field,' 'we change the telephone directories,' etc., was unambiguous: combative four years are coming. During their campaign, 'setting up a record' was realized between the two rounds after the failure in the first round and was still going on showing the election failure, which came about in democratic circumstances (Galló Béla, 2002, 93).

One could hardly judge the effectiveness of agenda building, though some of the crucial social questions appeared as cue words and sentences in the mediated messages of parties (for example, family, health care, education, joining the European Union). Hungarian campaigning, compared to the American presidential election campaign, is colorless and rife with technical and rhetorical errors, and it is a competition without any coherence where the citizen is very often just a means of, but not the goal in, the struggle of the parties.     

Partisan Development in Post-Soviet Ukraine

ABSTRACT

The development of mass partisanship and party identification in post-Soviet societies is a controversial subject of scholarly research. One prevalent view argues that post-Soviet citizens are distrustful of parties and that it will take generations for party identification to appear in these societies. Others argue that partisanship is emerging as a result of citizens perceiving meaningful differences between the parties. If party identification is forming, partisanship should be relatively stable across time at the individual level. This study takes a rare look at 1999 panel data from Ukraine to determine the degree of partisan stability. The findings demonstrate that meaningful party identification appears to be emerging for a significant proportion of the population due to political information and this partisanship is influencing election decision making among Ukrainian voters.