郑洪年与国立暨南大学的党化教育(1927—1934)

党化教育是国民党掌权后在思想领域实行一党专制的重要手段,尤以民国国立大学内的党化教育最为典型。本文着重以民国华侨教育家郑洪年任校长期间的国立暨南大学为考察点,探讨国民党在国立大学实施党化教育的主旨、具体措施及其影响,以加深对民国时期党化教育的认识。     

对加强胜利油田惩防体系建设的思考

建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系是推进党风廉政建设的创新举措。胜利油田惩防体系建设以党的十八精神为指针，固本清源抓教育，规范权力抓监督，以查促防抓惩处，牢牢把握促进党员干部清正廉洁、保障履职安全的目标指向，为提升胜利油田党风建设和反腐倡廉工作水平，推动胜利油田打造世界一流、实现率先发展提供政治保障。     

监狱严管效能渐趋式微及对策——从刑罚宽严相济视角解读

对极少数抗拒改造、行为恶劣的罪犯实施严管是保证监狱改造秩序,促进这部分罪犯改恶从善的必要惩戒措施,就狱内违法违纪的惩戒而言,它的指向并非是绝大多数积极改造的群体,它涉及刑事处罚的再犯罪毕竟少之又少,故严管措施确有其主流手段及相对严厉的惩戒效能。但是我们越来越体会到执法管理者的力不从心,严管罪犯的"不过如此"心态,严管效能渐趋式微。通过数据统计和理性分析,从宽严相济的视角出发,在罪犯心理、监狱相关措施、执法体系及教改手段等层面进行诱因探求,并在对策层面作一些探索,具有现实意义。     

Old and New Labour Narratives of Whitehall: Radicals,Reactionaries and Defenders of the Westminster Model

This article argues that throughout its history, the leadership of the Labour Party has chosen to embrace a benign view of the Civil Service, as part of a wider acceptance of the constitutional status quo reflected in the Westminster model. There has nevertheless been a long tradition in the wider Labour movement that has questioned whether Whitehall is capable of working for a government with radical aspirations. This article examines Labour's historical approach towards Whitehall, before reflecting on the extent to which the present Administration, while appealing to radical and reforming rhetoric has, like its predecessors, continued to embrace the status quo. It concludes by arguing that a contemporary and credible narrative capable of challenging the Westminster model has yet to emerge from the broader movement.     

Owning the issue agenda: Party strategies and vote choices in British elections

Explanations of party competition and vote choice are commonly based on the Downsian view of politics: parties maximise votes by adopting positions on policy dimensions. However, recent research suggests that British voters choose parties based on evaluations of competence rather than on ideological position. This paper proposes a theoretical account which combines elements of the spatial model with the ‘issue ownership’ approach. Whereas the issue ownership theory has focused mainly on party competition, this paper examines the validity of the model from the perspective of both parties and voters, by testing its application to recent British general elections. Our findings suggest that as parties have converged ideologically, competence considerations have become more important than ideological position in British elections.     

中国共产党80年解决民族问题的实践回顾

中国共产党成立 80年来 ,把马列主义民族理论创造性运用于解决中国民族问题的实践 ,制定了符合中国国情的民族政策 ,开展了卓有成效的民族工作 ,促进了中国民族问题的解决 ,丰富和发展了马列主义民族理论。在新的世纪 ,民族工作面临机遇与挑战 ,我们要在以江泽民同志为核心的党中央领导下 ,努力探索解决民族问题的新途径 ,促进各民族的团结和发展繁荣     

对加强非公有制组织中党团和工会组织建设的思考

加强非公有制企业的党团及工会组织建设 ,是做好非公有制经济人士思想政治工作的重要一环。在非公有制经济发达的地区建立党的工作委员会已成为必须。统战部门要切实做好这方面的工作 ,引导非公有制经济企业健康发展。     

切实加强严格执法工作,确保严打整治斗争实效

坚决执行党中央作出的2001年4月开始在全国范围内开展严打整治斗争的重大决策.要实现这一战略目标,关键要看在严打整治斗争中能不能做到严格公正执法,能不能严格按照法定程序和法定时限办案,切实提高侦查破案、调查取证和审讯等环节上的执法水平,确保办案质量,依法从重、从快和稳、准、狠地严厉打击各类违法犯罪分子.     

中国共产党人认识真理、改造世界的新成就——江泽民“七一”讲话提出的十大创新问题

江泽民“七·一”讲话是新时代的中国共产党宣言。它从概括党的历史经验、揭示“三个代表”重要思想、解放思想实事求是的科学内涵、研究和把握基本规律的新观念等十个方面阐述了我党在一系列重大理论和实践问题上形成的新认识。     

Turkey – from tutelary to delegative democracy

Guillermo O’Donnell’s influential work ‘Delegative Democracy’ set the discourse on a peculiar type of democracy. Lying between representative democracy and authoritarianism, the uniqueness of delegative democracy lies in its features, including an absence of horizontal accountability, strong centralised rule, individual leadership with unchecked powers, a cult figure embodying the nation and clientelist practices. While delegative democracies seem to arise out of presidential systems, Turkey, though a parliamentary system, has also displayed the distinctive features of delegative democracies. This paper identifies three characteristics of delegative democracy, which are responsible for the lack of democratic consolidation, if not the erosion of democracy itself: anti-institutionalism, an anti-political agenda and clientelism. Arguing that delegative democracy is the best concept with which to examine contemporary Turkey, the paper lays out how, post-2011, Turkey has demonstrated the three elements of delegative democracy. The final section discusses the implications of the Turkish case for scrutinising the very possibility of delegative democracy in parliamentary regimes.