Why madrassah education reforms don’t work in Pakistan

Despite global pressure and national security concerns, the efforts of the Government of Pakistan to reform the madrassah system have proven to be futile. Extant literature on madrassah reform challenges relies overwhelmingly on information provided by governments and experts situated outside of these institutions. While these studies and reports present important findings and viable analysis on madrassah systems; most of the research fails to give voice to the major stakeholders of this system itself, such as the administration staff, teachers, students and parents. Our study fills this crucial gap by conducting semi-structured interviews and field observations inside Pakistani madaris (plural for madrassah) and their professional associations. We find that these madaris have been reluctant to participate in policy interventions offered by the government due to a major trust deficit brought on by differences over financial and curriculum regulation, degree recognition and the government’s role in shaping popular perceptions about madaris. This reluctance has turned down attempts for madrassah reformation and has in turn made them vulnerable to radicalisation. We conclude with policy recommendations for more effective government reforms and a stronger relationship between madrassah representatives and the Government of Pakistan.     

A Comparative Assessment of Elite Policy Recruits in Canada

Recent case studies and large-N survey evidence has confirmed long-suspected shortages of public sector “policy capacity”. Studies have found that government policy workers in various jurisdictions differ considerably with respect to types of policy work they undertake, and have identified uneven capacity for policy workers to access and apply technical and scientific knowledge to public issues. This suggests considerable difficulties for government’s ability to meet contemporary policy and governance challenges. Despite growing attention to these matters, studies have not examined the “elite” policy workers many governments recruit to address these capacity shortages. Using an established survey instrument, this study of two Canadian recruitment programs provides the first comparative analysis of elite policy recruits, as policy workers. Three research questions anchor the study: (1) What is the profile of these actors? (2) What types of policy work do “elite” policy analysts actually engage in? (3) How does their policy work compare by recruitment program? The article provides fresh comparative data on the nature of elite policy work and policy analytical capacity, but, more importantly, a crucial baseline for future comparative study of how elite recruitment may facilitate “supply-side” capacity gains expected from recruitment programs.     

Political economy,poverty, and polycentrism in the Global Environment Facility’s Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) for Climate Change Adaptation

Climate change adaptation refers to altering infrastructure, institutions or ecosystems to respond to the impacts of climate change. Least developed countries often lack the requisite capacity to implement adaptation projects. The Global Environment Facility’s Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) is a scheme where industrialised countries have disbursed $934.5 million in voluntary contributions to support 213 adaptation projects across 51 least developed countries. But how effective are its efforts—and what sort of challenges have arisen as it implements projects? To provide some answers, this article documents the presence of four “political economy” attributes of adaptation projects—processes we have termed enclosure, exclusion, encroachment and entrenchment—cutting across economic, political, ecological and social dimensions. Based on extensive field research, we find the four processes at work simultaneously in our case studies of five LDCF projects being implemented in Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cambodia, the Maldives and Vanuatu. The article concludes with a discussion of the broader implications of the political economy of adaptation for analysts, program managers and climate researchers at large. In sum, the politics of adaptation must be taken into account so that projects can maximise their efficacy and avoid marginalising those most vulnerable to the impacts of climate change.     

《监狱法》缺陷的另类解读——以罪犯服刑能力为视角

《监狱法》的适用为我国改造罪犯、保障人权提供了法律保障,然而《监狱法》也存有一些立法上的盲点,例如对服刑能力的规定就是如此。服刑能力是罪犯接受刑罚惩罚的能力,对一个具备完整服刑能力的罪犯实施惩罚是符合正义的基本要求的,但是,对于一个服刑能力有缺损的罪犯实施强制性改造则是非人道的、非正义的。我国对服刑能力的研究还处于起步阶段,立法上还有许多空白之处,这就使得服刑能力成为刑罚改造实践中的一个盲点。     

增强法律观念 实施依法管理

依法执政是新的历史条件下我党执政的基本方式,公安院校的学生工作必须针对公安院校培养的对象,紧密结合新的历史条件下学生工作新的特点、新的情况,进一步增强依法管理的观念,实施依法管理。不断创新和完善学生工作的法规制度体系,使学生工作干部掌握依法管理的基本方法,不断提高依法管理的能力,使公安院校的学生工作与党依法执政的大环境同步前进,不断开创学生工作的新局面,为公安机关培养可靠的合格人才作出新的贡献。     

公民基本权利野视下国家义务的边界

国家义务直接来源于公民基本权利,是公民基本权利的根本保障。然而国家义务并不是绝对的,国家义务以国家权力为运行动力,过度强调国家义务将导致自由丧失殆尽,强调基本权利研究范式转变的同时必须研究国家义务边界。从国家层面看,国家理性和国家能力决定了国家义务所能达到的最大场域;从基本权利层面看,公民基本权利的保护范围和公民基本权利的功能是对国家义务的边界进一步的具体化;从具体法律原则层面看,法律保留原则、比例原则、程序正义原则与公共利益原则决定着国家的实然义务边界。然而,确定国家义务边界并非一蹴而就的事情,还需注意国家义务边界是开放的而非封闭的,确定国家义务边界的各种机制应有共同的目标模式,国家保障基本权利应适时。     

证据认证模式刍议

证据的认证亦即对证据的证据能力和证明力进行审查判断,是人民法院查明案件事实、正确适用法律的前提。目前,立法上对证据的认证规则缺乏明确的规定,司法实践中对证据的认证模式也比较混乱。规范证据的认证模式,明确二步认证的证据认证模式无疑有利于提高案件的审判质量。     

提高公务员行政能力需要和谐社会的新理念

建设社会主义和谐社会是各级政府的重要战略任务之一。公务员是组成政府行政机构的主体,公务员的行为代表着政府的形象,公务员的行政能力决定着政府工作的成效,直接关系到社会主义和谐社会的构建。用和谐社会的新理念武装公务员,提高公务员的行政能力,应成为公务员培训的重要内容。     

强化诉讼监督能力的实证研究

强化诉讼监督能力是新一轮司法改革的重要内容,也是检察机关提高法律监督能力,强化诉讼监督实效的必然要求。如何强化检察机关诉讼监督能力,实现检察工作科学发展,是当前检察工作的重大课题。     

法国商事法律制度中夫妻商事能力和商事责任研究

[摘要] 夫妻配偶在当代社会都获得了商事能力，可以共同或者单独从事商事活动；夫妻商事能力的获得是男女平等原则在商法领域的反映，体现了社会的进步；夫妻在从事商事活动时除了要享有相应的权利之外还应承担众多的义务和责任；为了保护与配偶商人从事商事交易活动的第三人的利益，配偶商人应当承担公示夫妻财产制的义务。