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31.
Drawing on anthropological theories of play, deep play and games, as well as sociological interaction theories of risk, this paper develops a theory of consequential games. This paper suggests that in the United States much expert or entrepreneurial activity can be seen as a competition over creating the rules of games that others must play. In turn, whatever peril lies in these consequential games is the province of the saps that have to play, and whatever reward or prize comes from the game is captured by the expert or entrepreneur. The perspective that this paper advances, in turn, renders domains of life often seen as discrete (say private equity investing and biotechnological tinkering) comparable and in fact similar types of phenomena, all caught up in the crazy apocalyptic vitality that is contemporary capitalism. 相似文献
32.
Sandya Hewamanne 《Third world quarterly》2020,41(3):547-564
AbstractWorking in Sri Lanka’s urban free trade zones (FTZs) introduces Sri Lanka’s rural women to neoliberal ways of fashioning selves, which subsequently not only shape village entrepreneurial activities but also initiate negotiations in kinship, marriage, domestic arrangements, and community relations. The knowledges and networks that they develop while at the FTZ allow former workers to connect with global production networks as subcontractors, making them part of the cascading system of subcontracting that furthers the precarity of regular FTZ work. This article explores how these former workers manipulate varied forms of capital – social, cultural and monetary – to become local entrepreneurs and community leaders, while simultaneously initiating changes in rural social hierarchies and gender norms. When neoliberal economic restructuring manifests within local contexts it results in new articulations of what it is to be an entrepreneur and what it is to be a worthy, young, married woman. Overall, the paper sheds light on the fragmented and uneven manner in which neoliberal ethos take root in rural South Asia. 相似文献
33.
Chowdhury Dilruba Shoma 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2019,6(3):397-416
This article examines the challenges and obstacles faced by female entrepreneurs in the cottage, micro, small, and medium enterprise (CMSME) sector in Bangladesh and shows that a combination of legislatory and regulatory reform can mitigate many of the issues that prevent women gaining from, and contributing to, this vital economic sector. Access to finance is found to be the greatest challenge faced by women in starting and operating CMSMEs in Bangladesh. This article explores the significant gender gap in access to formal credit, a gap that impacts negatively on the sector's growth and development. The article uses liberal feminist theory as a framework for analysis of the reforms. Analysis of data collected from banks and financial institutions on CMSME loans (2010–2018) shows that female entrepreneurs are treated significantly differently from men by financial institutions in Bangladesh. 相似文献
34.
The study conceptualizes three distinct functions European initiatives have in national policy changes: providing a model (Europeanization), providing a communication platform (policy transfer) or providing a legitimizing label (enabling opportunism of domestic policy entrepreneurs). Building on the example of higher education policy changes in four European countries – Belgium/Flanders, Croatia, the Netherlands and Serbia ? the study demonstrates that Europeanization, which is the role that can potentially lead to convergence, is actually not the most prominent one. In most cases, European initiatives primarily serve as legitimizing labels for pre-existing policy preferences, thus leading to convergence of policy rhetoric and ideas, while allowing for significant diversity of policy instruments and outcomes. 相似文献
35.
Felix Kumah-Abiwu 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2019,57(1):52-70
This article examines the challenges of narcotic drugs in West Africa following the region's emergence as a major transit zone for the trafficking of cocaine and other illicit drugs to many countries in Europe. In addition to the trafficking problem, the use of narcotic drugs has been on the increase in the region. In effect, the drug policy terrain in West Africa appears to be undergoing changing trends. To understand these changes, the article draws on the policy paradigm (orders of change) theory to examine the types of change that are occurring. The analysis reveals that the drug policy terrain is undergoing first and second order changes. 相似文献
36.
新中国成立以来,党在私营企业主入党问题上经历了一个坎坷曲折的认识过程.从建国初期党内高层在富农党员问题上的严重分歧,到改革开放初期各级党组织在百万富翁入党问题上的谨小慎微,再到2001年江泽民七一讲话时首次对私营企业主中的先进分子敞开大门.每一次认识上的深化,都是一次深刻的思想解放,而每一次思想解放的前夜,都必然伴随着人们激烈的思想论争.在迷茫中论争,在论争中醒悟,在醒悟后升华思想,党关于私营企业主入党问题的认识伴随着人们思想上的论争而不断深化. 相似文献
37.
Anita Heber 《Trends in Organized Crime》2009,12(2):122-144
The building industry is a sector characterised by a large number of opportunities to commit economic crime. In Sweden, the
level of tax avoidance in the building trade is estimated to be substantial, and the use of black market labour extensive.
This article focuses on the organised use of black market labour in the building industry, which may be described as a form
of both economic and organised crime. To date only a very small number of criminological studies have examined the use of
black market labour in this sector of the economy. The article focuses on two of the central roles found in the context of
organised, black market labour: the “fixer” and the “criminal entrepreneur”. The fixer is an individual with expertise in
the methods of economic crime. The criminal entrepreneur acts first and foremost as a link between a client and the manpower
required by this client. In this paper, fixers and criminal entrepreneurs are studied on the basis of data from the Swedish
Register of Suspected Offenders. The analysis shows that the networks of fixers and criminal entrepreneurs overlap one another
to some extent. There are nonetheless a number of differences between the two groups and also between their respective networks.
The networks of the fixers are larger than those of the criminal entrepreneurs, and the individuals that comprise the fixers’
networks are suspected in connection with much larger numbers of offences. The fixers more often commit offences together
with others and also have larger numbers of suspected co-offenders than the criminal entrepreneurs. On the other hand, the
criminal entrepreneurs are suspected of having maintained their ties to suspected co-offenders for longer periods of time
than the fixers. The fixers appear to specialise in fraud and forgery offences, whereas motoring offences, smuggling and drug
offences are more common among the criminal entrepreneurs. The networks are highly male-dominated and on balance they are
comprised of much older individuals than those of traditional offenders. Many of the fixers and criminal entrepreneurs are
suspected of committing offences with the same co-offender for a long period of time. Further out in the networks, co-offenders
are replaced more often. Tax offences are very common in both types of network, both in those parts of the network that are
close to the fixers and criminal entrepreneurs, and also in more distant parts of the networks. In the more distant parts
of the networks, there is also an increase in the proportion of offences that individual network members are suspected of
committing. Judging from the material examined in the current study, violent offences do not appear to be very common among
either fixers or criminal entrepreneurs. The networks examined are largely comprised of individuals suspected of economic
offences. These individuals are linked together with one another by means of direct and indirect contacts that produce semi-legal
networks of individuals with knowledge of organised black market labour.
相似文献
Anita HeberEmail: |
38.
Jo-Ansie van Wyk 《South African Journal of International Affairs》2016,23(3):279-295
The proponents of international nuclear fuel banks maintain that these banks will contribute to nuclear non-proliferation, whereas those opposing it maintain that nuclear weapon states support these banks in order to control and multilateralise the nuclear fuel cycle, thus preventing developing states from developing nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Global inequalities pertaining to nuclear energy continue to persist despite developing states’ efforts to reform the international nuclear energy regime. Moreover, some developing states maintain that these nuclear fuel banks perpetuate inequality in international relations. This is one of the reasons why some leading developing states, such as Brazil and South Africa, oppose these banks. South Africa, for example, intends to re-establish its nuclear fuel cycle and has declared uranium a strategic resource. Against the aforesaid, this article, following a constructivist approach, analyses the emergence and social construction of nuclear fuel banks as a practical expression of nuclear non-proliferation norms. The discussion also considers the inter-subjective understanding of these banks, as well as South Africa’s opposition to them. The article concludes with an analysis of the implications of these opposing views for global equity, equality, nuclear non-proliferation and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. 相似文献
39.
Since the economic reforms began in the end of the 1970s, family enterprises have emerged and thrived in the People's Republic of China, and have contributed significantly to China's phenomenal growth in the last few decades. Yet, little recognition, scholarly or otherwise, was given to family enterprises in China. The author argues that such a lack of recognition of family enterprises in China has to do with various negative perceptions of family firms and entrepreneurs. Among such perceptions is the view that family enterprises are "backward" and "unscientific", and as such they need to be modernized or they will disappear. This article calls for more rigorous and ethnographic research of family businesses in China, because such research will not only afford much needed attentions to the issues unique to family businesses, but also provide a comparative case to the study of Confucian capitalism, which is believed to be an alternative to western capitalism. 相似文献
40.
JOSÉ GALINDO 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2013,32(2):149-162
This article presents an analysis of some of the most important works on the persistence of the economic elite in Mexico during the first half of the twentieth century. The study seeks to answer the following question: How did the formation and character of the Mexican economic elites change during this period? It examines the effect of events such as the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920) and the agrarian reform programmes, as well as political instability and institutional uncertainty, on the persistence or weakening of the landowning and industrial elite who had consolidated their power during the Porfiriato period (1876–1911). 相似文献