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901.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(4):21-35
Australia' s development and infrastructure plans have synergy with China's 21st Century Maritime Silk Road initiative,and their political,economic,trade,financial and civil exchanges have deepened bilaterally.However,as the synergy of the development strategies meets challenges,China should stick to the principle of opening-up and inclusiveness to cope with the ups and downs coming up in the China-Australia relationship so as to ensure Australia can contribute positively to the initiative. 相似文献
902.
传统基于功能主义范式的职场欺负研究往往以社会心理学为主要研究视角,将职场欺负看作是个体之间的人际问题,关注于个体特征和工作特征的诱发作用,忽视了组织变革、雇佣制度等组织和劳动关系层面的因素对职场欺负的影响,因而现有的干预政策和措施的实际效果并不明显。而基于批判管理范式和后现代主义范式的劳动关系视角认为,存在"欺负型组织",制度性权力和组织外显的控制途径对职场欺负行为有诱发作用,并且雇主和人力资源管理部门的干预意愿对现有干预措施的有效性有重要影响。这一视角运用跨学科、情景分析的方法揭示了新型劳动关系下职场欺负的产生机制,为进一步制定、实施有效的政策和措施减少职场欺负的发生,提供了新的研究范式架构。 相似文献
903.
2010年突发的一系列劳动争议事件诘问着“中国模式”。从法律层面来看,中国法制体系对劳动者的保护尚存在严重不足。文章从历史与理论的宏观视角,对发达国家劳资关系法律规范的历史演变及最新的改革论争做一阐释,并在此基础上,探寻中国劳资关系法律规范的应有之路,以期为中国的劳资关系调整抛砖引玉。 相似文献
904.
Two analytical perspectives – conventional wisdom derived from warlordism and European colonialism, and soft-power concepts drawn from post-Cold-War American international relations – are prevalent lenses for analysing China's global rise. However, neither considers the role of the past in shaping China's contemporary diplomacy. This paper fills the gap of this under-researched area by providing an alternative perspective featuring analytic categories rooted in China's tributary tradition. It proposes a neo-tributary framework for systematically interpreting historical Chinese mentalities and strategies embedded in China's contemporary power strategy. 相似文献
905.
The Singaporean polity has created the ‘militarized civilian’. This policy phenomenon beckons the question: How is this cross-fertilization carried out in Singapore's civil–military relations? Militarization is in the first sense meant to inculcate a calibrated dual personality within the civilian whereby being an effective soldier requires indulging in simulated military suffering as a badge of pride; at the same time, the citizen soldier has to believe that military and civilian values are perfectly interchangeable and contribute equally to the maintenance of peace. In a second sense, militarization is equally about permanently ritualizing sacrifices for a communitarian defence. We argue that while mostly successful, militarization also produces the tension arising from the need to appear pugnaciously vigilant while avoiding the casualties that must logically arise from heightened simulated combat. This tension is explained through two dimensions of ongoing crises: the parameters of a politically dramatized National Service ritual; and the constant propaganda of geopolitical dangers threatening the Republic. 相似文献
906.
Erin L. Brightwell 《Japan Forum》2015,27(4):431-453
The question of how individuals navigate a given regime is inevitably a delicate one, but one no less important because of its sensitivity. This article examines the case of one Kitayama Jun'yū – author of dozens of works during the 1930s and 1940s that purported to introduce Japan to a German audience – and his changing rhetorical strategies in presenting a Japan that would be acceptable to his readership. It employs an adapted notion of Bhabha's concept of ‘mimicry’ as a means to understand both developments internal to Kitayama's works as well as their changing reception. This framework recognizes that power dynamics played an influential role in cross-cultural exchange between the two countries; at the same time, it enables a depersonalized engagement with cultural politics that does not rest on identifying individual authorial political allegiances. Drawing on both Kitayama's writings and archival materials that reflect official and semi-private responses to his work, this article offers a closer look at how a particular Japanese intellectual negotiated Japan's place within the discursive space of the National Socialist regime. 相似文献
907.
908.
Yael Shomer 《West European politics》2015,38(5):1106-1127
Cameral procedures define the modus operandi of a parliament. This article examines how the electoral environment affects parliaments’ rules of procedures and legislators’ rights. It argues that when the electoral environment motivates legislators to act individualistically governments are incentivised to restrict cameral procedures to curtail legislators’ behaviour. Materialising such incentives depends on the government’s ability to pass restrictive procedural changes. To test the assertion, four decades (1967–2007) of amendments to the Israeli Knesset’s rules of procedure were examined and support provided for co-variation of the electoral environment and restrictive Knesset’s procedures. The analysis then details the factors that enabled Israeli governments to pass such restrictive measures. Indeed, governments seem to use the rules of procedure strategically in their attempt to improve their control and curtail legislators’ behaviour. 相似文献
909.
Shogo Suzuki 《The Pacific Review》2015,28(1):95-116
AbstractSince 1945, the United States (US) has served as a focal point of both Left-wing and Right-wing Japanese nationalism. Both sides argued that the US was an arrogant hegemon that unjustly robbed Japan of its autonomy, and prevented Japan from achieving its own ideal national identity. Both sides frequently demanded that Japan should be more ‘resolute’ and resist unfair demands emanating from the US. In recent years, however, both camps are increasingly using the same rhetoric to criticise the Japanese government's China policy. China is also being depicted as an overbearing state that unfairly browbeats Japan into making diplomatic concessions. Given the similarities between the portrayal of China and the US, has China now become a nationalist focal point for both the Japanese Left and Right? Utilising constructivist insights, this article seeks to shed light on this question, by examining how the Japanese Right and Left portray China, and explores the implications for Japan's China policy. 相似文献
910.
Fifteen Years After Decentralization by Devolution: Political‐administrative Relations in Tanzanian Local Government
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One of the professed goals of the 1998 Tanzanian Local Government Reform Program, entailing substantial decentralization, was to provide for a democratic administrative set up in local government. Elected local councils were invested with responsibilities for a wide range of policy sectors and services; the local administrative staff, formerly recruited and instructed by central government, would be appointed by and accountable to the local councils. A well‐functioning local politico‐administrative system was considered paramount to improve service delivery and ensure control of decision making by the local community. This article reports on research into the relations between councilors and administrators in two Tanzanian municipalities. Overall, these relations were found to be tense and full of discordance, caused by clashing role perceptions and mutual distrust. The research suggests that the main factor underlying the behavior and attitudes of councilors and administrators is the very system of public administration, which — despite the ambitions expressed in the Local Government Reform Program — remains very centralistic in character. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献