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981.
The Sino-Russia relation is a kind of new state-relationship,which is based on the long-term political,economic and security interests of the people of two countries.Mutual respect,equality,and mutual benefit are the basis of this relationship.China and Russia should strengthen regional cooperation and cultural exchanges so that the bilateral relations can be consolidated further.President Xi Jinping's visit to Russia opens up new opportunities for pragmatic cooperation between China and Russia.  相似文献   
982.
朝鲜战争结束后,美国极力拉拢中国周边的亚洲国家组建针对中国的包围圈,为了应对这一情况,中国提出了建立“国际和平统一战线”的外交战略,1954年中印、中缅两国总理互访就是落实“国际和平统一战线”政策的重大举措。在互访过程中,中印、中缅共同提出了和平共处五项原则,中国领导人着力消除了印度、缅甸在华人华侨、边界问题、亚洲国家共产党以及中美关系等问题上的疑虑和担心,从而促进了中印、中缅两国关系,巩固了亚洲国家的中立倾向,为亚非会议的召开奠定了良好的基础。  相似文献   
983.
本文借助多种资料与文献,分析了1970年到1974年间以李引桐和曾永森为代表的几位马来西亚华人以及一些马来西亚华人团体和个人的活动,试图探讨马来西亚华人怎样通过社会文化互动来促成马中建交。因此可见民间渠道或跨国社会文化互动与官方渠道是相辅相成的。社会和文化互动不仅唤醒了沉睡已久的马中关系,最后还迎来了两国政府和人民的双赢局面。  相似文献   
984.
邓新龙 《政法学刊》2013,30(1):47-51
劳动力派遣就是一种新型用工关系,劳动力派遣涉及到派遣机构与劳动者之间的特殊劳动关系,用工单位与劳动者之间的关系,以及派遣单位与用工单位之间的关系。企业、事业单位违规使用劳务派遣工,逃避劳动合同责任,侵犯劳动者合法权益的现象时有发生。劳动力派遣中劳动者权益如何保护,劳动力派遣关系如何进行法律规制,是促进我国劳动力派遣制度完善并切实保护被派遣劳动者合法权益的重要课题。  相似文献   
985.
The history of fathers is one of the most suggestive lines of inquiry for understanding adolescents. The power of a father over his children, whether minors or those that had reached their majority, is a simple power, but one that became more complicated. The article assembles the elements needed to illustrate major trends in the long history of paternity. The adoption of the Civil Code in 1804 marked the triumph of a patriarchal system. More than 150 years later, the law of January 4, 1970 abolished paternal authority and replaced it with parental authority. Now, the father could only share parental authority with the mother on the strict condition that he is legally married to her. This seems like a linear movement, but it should be noted that it follows an earlier similar shift.  相似文献   
986.
The lack of explanatory power of roles in the study of legislative behaviour has led to questioning of the utility of role theory. The problem may be that scholars tend to focus on classifying legislators according to one role orientation, thereby running the risk of oversimplification. Using questions from the 1990, 2001 and 2006 Dutch Parliamentary Studies, this study explores whether MPs specialise in a particular role or switch between roles depending on the situation at hand. A general trend towards specialisation in the partisan role is detected, accompanied by a decrease in the number of role-switching MPs. Furthermore, it is found that whereas government MPs tend to specialise in the role of the parliamentarian, opposition MPs are more prone to put on their partisan hats.  相似文献   
987.
Recent research suggests that the Chilean Congress is marginalised in the policymaking process, especially when setting the budget. This paper argues that previous studies have overlooked the fact that the legislature uses two amendment tools – specifications and marginal notes – to increase the national budget and reallocate resources within ministries. This behaviour contradicts the constitution, which only allows Congress to reduce the executive's budget bill. To test this empirically, a pooled two-stage time-series cross-sectional analysis is conducted on ministries for the years 1991–2010. The findings clarify how the legislature surpasses its constitutional limits and demonstrate that specifications are useful to predict when Congress increases or decreases a ministry's budget.  相似文献   
988.
蔡养军 《北方法学》2013,7(1):21-30
我国相邻关系法既植根于深厚的历史传统,又具有鲜明的时代特色。历史上,出于社会控制的目的设有邻里制度,相邻不动产利用的调节大多依托民间习惯。近代以来,部分民间习惯被纳入"民法",成为处理相邻关系的直接依据。面对复杂的现代不动产利用关系,《物权法》一方面规定了主要的相邻关系类型,另一方面通过引致规范扩张了相邻关系的法源。处理相邻关系的基本原则为协调不同法源的冲突奠定了基础。  相似文献   
989.
民族认同与国家认同是一对矛盾,既对立又统一,在一定条件下还可以相互转化,而“冲突论”和“一致论”在界定民族认同与国家认同关系上无疑都具有片面性,基建与此基础上的“同质化”与“异质化”两种整合思路也只能是一种理想状态。文化与公民文化具有内在的粘合作用,因而在现代公民社会中培育新的公民文化应当是解决民族认同与国家认同问题的契合点。  相似文献   
990.
Abstract

Following its time-honoured ‘great and powerful friends’ foreign policy tradition, Australia has been cultivating close ties simultaneously with the United States and China. Yet, as a rivalry between the two powers apparently looms large, Australia faces an acute dilemma. While the rise of China and the question of Taiwan are often cited as main causes of US–China discord, this article argues that the American neoconservative policy on China, underpinned by a belief in both military strength and moral clarity, is integral to this growing competition and is, by extension, partly responsible for the emergence of Australia's predicament. To avoid such a difficult choice, the article suggests that Australia should strive to curb the policy influence of neoconservatism both in the United States and at home by pursuing a more independent foreign policy, making clear its strategic postures on US–China relations, and helping establish a trilateral strategic forum between Australia, the United States, and China.  相似文献   
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