原子力显微镜在法庭科学中的应用及展望

原子力显微镜是一种具有纳米级分辨率,可观察物体表面形貌和表面结构的新型显微镜。本文对原子力显微镜的工作原理、工作模式、优点,以及原子力显微镜在法庭科学中应用进行了综述。     

Hong Kong＇s Case Law System in the Changing Constitutional Order

回归前的香港在港英宪政秩序下建立了英式司法体系,经过长期英国普通法传统的培养、训练以及结合香港本土情况的司法实践积累,形成了英属司法区的判例制度。回归初期香港处于新旧宪政秩序转型和过渡的阶段,中央与特区之间、大陆法制与香港普通法传统之间的摩擦和冲突在所难免,香港的判例制度因此呈现出新的特点和变化。然而正是在这种相互冲突和相互摩擦的过程中,中央与特区、大陆法制与香港普通法传统寻找到了相互磨合和相互适用的方式和路径,香港判例制度的发展也因此从中获得了新的生命意义。     

论《联合国海洋法公约》“海洋科研”条款的解释及效力

UNCLOS中尚存"灰色区域",没有对"海洋科研"、"军事测量"等词语进行界定,导致条款的不同解释和争端。主要原因在于其既是政治性协定又是法律协定。UNCLOS的大部分内容都相互联系并构成一个整体,为"一揽子交易"。美国并未批准UNCLOS,却常选择性援引相关权利条款,规避义务。根据《维也纳条约法公约》规定,第三方享有条约下的权利并非没有任何限制;第三方应受习惯国际法规则和强行法的约束;应根据VCLT来解释UNCLOS。应在整个国际法体系下理解条约对第三方的法律效力以及"海洋科研"条款的含义。     

对我国市场经济条件下人力资本理论及实践的思考

在社会主义现代化建设中,充分发挥广大劳动者的积极性是至关重要的,我们应认识到劳动力生产要素在社会生产活动中的主导作用,并承认其与物力资本对等的权力,才能发挥劳动者的主人翁作用,为企业摆脱生产经营困境、改善经营管理和实现国民经济的可持续发展发挥其根本性作用.     

论政府对现代企业的法制监管——以日本核泄漏案为例

随着全球经济一体化以及区域经济集团化的纵深发展,市场经济已促使各国政府与企业的关系日益密切。这一密切的联系是建立在目标统一以及兼有冲突与合作特征的职能分离基础之上的。日本核泄漏事件引出了突发事件背后隐藏的日本政府与民营企业之间官商勾结、监管失控等重大问题,对目前我国如何正确处理政企关系,明确各监管部门的职责,充分发挥市场自由竞争及政府的调控作用,制定配套的法律来弥补监管漏洞等具有重要的警示作用。     

David Cameron's ‘Problem’ with Women: Representing Women in the Coalition Government

Prior to the election in 2010 David Cameron pledged that his first cabinet would comprise one‐third women and would be the most family friendly ever. Since forming the Coalition Government, he appears to have a ‘problem’ with women. We argue that this problem stems from: the weak representation of women in cabinet and across government; the diminishing resources available to government actors to support gender equality policy; and women's exclusion from the key Coalition networks, both formal and informal, that determine government policy.     

Reciprocal policy diffusion: the regulation of executive compensation in the UK and the US

Because of popular and political pressure, governments have been compelled to regulate ‘excessive’ executive compensation and search both a policy and political solution. In this paper, I seek to establish the mechanisms of policy learning, competition, and emulation by examining American and British regulatory policies of executive compensation that show evidence of reciprocal diffusion, i.e. from the US to the UK and vice versa. The evidence suggests that during the past two decades, the extent of reciprocal policy diffusion varied and was primarily driven by policy learning. Using published government reports, press releases, public hearings, newspaper articles, and interviews, I demonstrate that reciprocal learning occurred because one country's policymakers and practitioners explicitly discussed and/or referred to the practices in the other country when deciding to adopt a specific policy solution to the problem of excessive executive pay. I discuss the implications for the literature on diffusion and point out avenues for future research. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

海西路面治安问题与管理创新

路面治安是指街头或路面的治安状况,主要体现是发生在街头或路面与社会治安有关的刑事犯罪案件和治安案件。近5年来,海西路面刑事犯罪案件和治安案件呈上升趋势,并出现发生时空的集中性、涉案人员的地缘性和团伙性、作案手段的多样性等特点。当前路面治安管理中还存在群众自防意识差、防范力量未能形成合力、硬件设施利用率不高、视频监控装置存有缺陷等问题,需要在组织机制、执行机制、权责模式、监督机制和管理模式加以创新管理,实行"多警合一",开展"网格化巡逻",实现"综合执法",平衡"激励与问责",加强"人技联防"。     

从使用武力法看保护的责任理论

保护的责任是21世纪初国际上出现的新理论。将该理论中的军事干涉因素与《联合国宪章》关于使用武力的规定进行比较,观察近10年来国际社会的有关实践,可以认为该理论并未在国际法上改变现行的使用武力法规则,国际社会对该理论中军事干涉问题并未形成共识。现阶段对以军事手段实施保护责任应持谨慎态度。     

Party unity and presidential dominance: parliamentary development in the fourth republic of Ghana

Political power in contemporary sub-Saharan Africa is often portrayed as being highly informal and heavily personalised. The assumption that personalised politics is how ‘Africa works’ has led to the neglect of the study of Africa's formal institutions, including parliaments. This article assesses the position of the Parliament of Ghana under the Fourth Republic. It displays evidence suggesting that over successive parliamentary terms parliamentary committees became increasingly adept at handling legislation, and inputting into the policy process. It also shows that the parliament was increasingly able to oversee the implementation of legislation. Although the findings of hitherto undocumented progress represent a valuable nuance, the argument that the parliament became increasingly able to input into the legislative process says exactly that; while the parliament became increasingly capable of amending legislation rarely was this witnessed. The article argues that parliamentary development in Ghana has been a function of three interacting structural factors: the constitution; unified government since 1992; and political party unity. The strong partisan identities of legislators from the two major political parties – the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC) – provide the executive with extra leverage to control the parliament. Throughout the Ghanaian parliament is juxtaposed with the Kenyan National Assembly. More substantially, the article seeks to force a revision of the dominant narrative that generalises African party systems as fluid and fragmented, and African political parties as lacking any recognisable internal cohesion or ideology.