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711.
Wolfgang Wagner Anna Herranz-Surrallés Juliet Kaarbo Falk Ostermann 《West European politics》2017,40(1):20-41
AbstractThe move from territorial defence to ‘wars of choice’ has influenced the domestic politics of military interventions. This paper examines the extent to which both the substance and the procedure of military interventions are contested among political parties. Regarding the substance, our analysis of Chapel Hill Expert Survey data demonstrates that across European states political parties on the right are more supportive of military missions than those on the left. On the decision-making procedures, our case studies of Germany, France, Spain and the United Kingdom show that political parties on the left tend to favour strong parliamentary control whereas those on the right tend to prefer an unconstrained executive, although with differences across countries. These findings challenge the view that ‘politics stops at the water’s edge’ and contribute to a better understanding of how political parties and parliaments influence military interventions. 相似文献
712.
Anthony King's 1976 article ‘Modes of executive–legislative relations: Great Britain, France and West Germany’ is a classic in legislative studies. It argued that it is simplistic to analyse relations between ‘the executive’ and ‘the legislature’ in parliamentary systems, because parliaments are complex organisations comprised of competing actors. Instead, we must consider the various ‘modes’ through which these actors can interact to challenge the executive. As King pointed out, the classic view of the British Parliament was of a dominant ‘opposition mode’ and yet, in fact, the most important relationship was the ‘intraparty mode’: between the government and its own backbenchers. Other options, such as the ‘non‐party mode’ or ‘cross‐party mode’ were considered weak in Britain. This article revisits King's modes in the light of changes at Westminster during the intervening forty years. Developments such as the establishment of the select committee system and a more confident and party‐balanced House of Lords require significant changes to his conclusions. But his central insights, encouraging readers to focus on the multiple relationships inside legislatures, including those within political parties, remain fundamentally important. 相似文献
713.
阶级与阶层是研究社会结构与政治发展动力问题的核心概念。阶级分析旨在对社会总体结构和宏观层次进行探讨,阶层分析专注于对社会结构的中观层次的研究。阶层分析与阶级分析从理论上看都是为了解决社会发展的动力问题,从实践上看都是为制订合理的社会政策提供知识保障。中国社会结构正经历着一场巨大的变化,全面、深刻地理解这种变化,必须综合运用阶层分析和阶级分析。综合阶层分析与阶级分析有利于化解社会矛盾,整合社会力量,维护社会稳定与推动政治发展。 相似文献
714.
Madison R. Perington D.O. Charles A. Smith M.D. Jason E. Schillerstrom M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(2):655-660
Capacity assessments are performed when there is suspicion that a person is unable to adequately care for their physical, medical, or financial well-being. The purpose of these assessments is to inform the legal system as to whether or not guardianship may be necessary. It is well established that certain mental illnesses, such as neurocognitive disorders (dementia) or psychotic disorders (like schizophrenia), may diminish capacity and, in some cases, lead to the need for establishment of a legal guardian. However, personality disorders are another common category of mental illness which may impair decision-making. There is very little information in the literature about how or why these disorders could impair capacity, and thus, it can often be difficult to discern whether clients with personality disorders are substantially unable to care for themselves—versus unwilling to act in a way contrary to their ingrained habits. We present a series of three cases in which clients are determined to lack capacity primarily mediated by a personality disorder diagnosis. They are demonstrated to have mild deficits in cognitive functioning, but they show impaired decision-making out of proportion to these deficits. In all three cases, it is apparent that the personality disorder is substantially impairing their ability to care for themselves. Discussion includes consideration for ways to incorporate evaluations of cognitive function, activities of daily living, and personality considerations into capacity assessments, and how to approach recommendations (such as guardianship vs. less restrictive option) based on both level and scope of impairment. 相似文献
715.
《Science & justice》2020,60(6):495-503
Bladed weapons are frequently encountered in violent crime offences including street based and armed robberies, murder, sexual assaults and terrorism. A study was conducted involving four frequently encountered clothing fabrics: t-shirt (knitted cotton), denim jeans (twill woven cotton), long sleeved top (knitted synthetic blend), and skirt (non-woven faux leather) and five knives to investigate any damage resulting from a downward stabbing motion, with 300 stabs in total. Any resultant penetrating severance damage was then photographed, measured and analysed. Statistical analysis revealed significant differences between the stab hole size and shape, as a consequence of the design of a bladed weapon (in particular, the tip shape) that caused it. There is a notable correlation between the Assure knife (rounded tip) and no resulting severance damage, as the fabric surfaces were not breached with this knife. This suggests a clear alternative to pointed tip knife blades. These findings will be of interest to investigators of knife crime offences, crime-reduction units, knife manufacturers and practitioners, who share the goal of identifying a safer alternative to conventional knife blade design. 相似文献
716.
Rose Cole 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2020,79(4):495-513
How do non-partisan advisors in Ministers’ offices maintain political neutrality while immersed in a highly politicised environment? Private Secretaries are ubiquitous non-partisan public service representatives in the political environment of Ministers’ offices. There has been significant research undertaken the role of political advisors in Ministers’ offices, yet the contribution of these non-partisan advisors has not yet been described in academic literature. The risk of Private Secretaries being overly responsive to politicians and undertaking political tasks rather than maintaining neutrality is ever present. Further, they must actively manage the risk of free and frank advice being obstructed by political advisors. This article presents views about political neutrality gleaned from interviews with Private Secretaries who have worked in Ministers’ offices in New Zealand during the period of 1997–2018. It presents new insights into the tensions within a key setting of the core executive. 相似文献
717.
Greg McCarthy 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2008,67(1):30-40
The article focuses on the relationship between the executive and the judiciary in respect of a legal case that provoked public outrage. This outrage entered into the media spectacle and was channelled by the executive into calling a royal commission. The royal commission was charged with re‐examining the police actions and the legal case. However, hidden behind its narrow terms of reference was the larger question of justice being ‘blind’ to a network of privilege. As such, the royal commission had the potential to threaten the independence of the judiciary. 相似文献
718.
KATE JENKINS 《The Political quarterly》2008,79(3):418-425
This article discusses the origins of the Efficiency Unit's ‘Next Steps’ Report, published 20 years ago which recommended the executive agency as an organisation for much of the British government. Within five years more than half the civil service had been transferred to work in agencies but the other major recommendation of the report – improving the management skills of the senior civil service received far less enthusiastic attention. From the Fulton Report, the Next Steps report to the Capability Reviews of current Whitehall the same problem is highlighted: there is still too little management competence within the public service despite the endorsement of the need for improvement by successive governments. 相似文献
719.
William Case 《East Asia》2008,25(4):365-388
In recounting Hong Kong's chief executive election in 2007, this paper charts the unexpected appearance of an “unauthorized”
candidate and the occurrence of vibrant campaigning. Further, as electoral competitiveness increased, the liberal form of
authoritarian rule that has characterized politics in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) began to change
in ways that parallel the electoral authoritarianism practiced in Singapore. This paper argues that such change, if regularized
and enhanced, may bring greater stability to the HKSAR’s politics, yielding greater legitimacy, popular compliance, and hence,
new efficiencies in control. Even so, analysis of the chief executive election shows that this competitiveness was strongly
resisted by the central government in Beijing.
William Case joined City University of Hong Kong as Director of the Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) and Professor in the Department of Asian and International Studies in 2006. He was previously associate professor at Griffith University in Brisbane, Australia. He obtained his PhD in Political Science from the University of Texas at Austin and his B.A. degree from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has held teaching or visiting research positions at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, the National University of Malaysia, the University (Institute) MARA in Shah Alam, Malaysia, Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, and the Centre for Strategies and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta. He has published extensively on Southeast Asian politics and political economy in academic journals and media outlets. His most recent book is Politics in Southeast Asia: Democracy or Less. Working title of paper: ‘The 2007 Chief Executive Election in Hong Kong: Comparisons and Consequences’ 相似文献
William CaseEmail: |
William Case joined City University of Hong Kong as Director of the Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) and Professor in the Department of Asian and International Studies in 2006. He was previously associate professor at Griffith University in Brisbane, Australia. He obtained his PhD in Political Science from the University of Texas at Austin and his B.A. degree from the University of California at Santa Barbara. He has held teaching or visiting research positions at the University of Malaya in Kuala Lumpur, the National University of Malaysia, the University (Institute) MARA in Shah Alam, Malaysia, Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, and the Centre for Strategies and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta. He has published extensively on Southeast Asian politics and political economy in academic journals and media outlets. His most recent book is Politics in Southeast Asia: Democracy or Less. Working title of paper: ‘The 2007 Chief Executive Election in Hong Kong: Comparisons and Consequences’ 相似文献
720.
舒克龙 《中共云南省委党校学报》2001,(5)
大力发展西部民营经济,加大对西部大多数国有中小企业的非国有化改革力度,加快对西部国有大中型企业的现代企业制度改革,使西部各种所有制经济共同繁荣发展,是西部大开发内在动力的源泉所在。 相似文献