学科细分与学科扩展的统一——政治学研究的新趋向

政治学研究的新趋向,集中体现为两个特点,一是研究热点的跨学科性;二是研究方法的开放性。在政治学基本理论方面,预计未来的研究走向,仍会体现这两种特性。而近期的潜在研究热点,可能会集中在文化(文明)与政治、宗教与政治、科学与政治等关系领域。     

应对全球化新浪潮 发展社会主义民主——评《全球背景下的中国民主建设》一书

从16世纪起,全球化经历了三次浪潮.全球化的三次浪潮也就是全球民主化的三次浪潮.我国应该怎样应对这个全球化、民主化的新浪潮,这是我国学者应该重点研究的一个重大政治理论课题.<全球化背景下的中国民主建设>一书能够着眼民主化浪潮汹涌澎湃的全球背景,立足我国社会主义初级阶段的实际,对我国民主建设作了全方位、多层次、宽领域的考察,既肯定成绩、总结经验,又点明不足、展望未来.     

Biotic Carbon Sequestration and the Kyoto Protocol: The Construction of Global Knowledge by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change

This paper explores the dynamics of the production of global knowledge by an international knowledge organization, in this case the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Based on previous notions of international boundary organizations, the idea of international knowledge organizations emphasizes the knowledge generation function of such organizations rather than their convening function. Using the case of controversial Kyoto Protocol biotic carbon sequestration policies, I argue that boundary work and uncertainty management are the essential dynamics in the successful construction of global knowledge by international knowledge organizations. This uncertainty management occurs in a manner broadly, although not completely, in conformance with the institutional preferences of powerful policy actors. Global knowledge can legitimate and help refine global policies, but the process of its construction must be iterative and transparent if it is to be credible for global environmental governance over the long-term.     

Judiciaries as crucial actors in Southern regulatory systems: A case study of Indian telecom regulation

This article addresses regulatory reforms in the Indian telecommunications sector and emphasizes the role of the Indian judiciary. Our claim is that when confronted with a series of disputes relating to the nascent telecom regulatory landscape, the Supreme Court of India sought to make a constructive contribution to both the actual disputes as well as the overall regulatory framework. Our reading of these cases suggests that in the sphere of telecom, the Supreme Court has been less interested in stamping its own authority on issues, and has instead sought to bolster the authority and legitimacy of the recently constituted telecom regulatory institutions. We seek to draw attention to the role of the Indian judiciary as marking an exceptional feature of evolving regulatory systems in the Global South. Conventional wisdom in the regulatory jurisprudence that has evolved in the Global North suggests that judiciaries should have little or no role to play in regulatory systems. We suggest that to overcome the special challenges that regulatory systems in the Global South confront, more established institutions and actors might have to lend credibility and legitimacy to enable nascent regulatory actors to develop over time. At least in the Indian case, this is one way to understand the Indian judiciary's interventionist actions in the sphere of telecom regulation.     

两岸跨境犯罪新情势、新问题分析

2010年的"1011"与"0810"项目,以及2011年的"0310"项目行动,让人们见识到跨境电话诈骗之猖獗。事实上,打击跨境犯罪的困境,体现在"跨境"的字义上。从犯罪人的角度而言,跨境犯罪的实施,便意味着增加了执法机关追诉的困难并降低了犯罪人被捕的风险。另外,在此信息社会下,两岸跨境犯罪呈现组织化、科技化、隐蔽化、严重化及被害普及化之新趋势,传统跨境治理体系已无法处理日益复杂化的全球跨境犯罪问题。如何避免全球治理缺口,即"管辖权的缺口"、"参与性的缺口"、"诱因性的缺口"及"功能性的缺口",成为当前防治跨境犯罪急需注意的课题。所以,未来两岸为了有效防治跨境犯罪,应以全球化治理的观点来检视两岸跨境犯罪问题,以强调"网络"、"互赖"及"规制"的特质(低政治、高功能),建立一个永续合作的发展模式,共创两岸人民双赢的局面。     

Fractured International Environmental Governance and the Potential Role of the Commonwealth in Biodiversity and Climate Change

Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.     

MEASURING THE THREAT OF GLOBAL CRIME: INSIGHTS FROM RESEARCH BY THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS INTO THE TRAFFIC IN WOMEN*

Despite increasing concern about the threat of global crime, it remains difficult to measure. During the 1920s and 1930s, the League of Nations conducted the first social‐scientific study of global crime in two studies of the worldwide traffic in women. The first study included 112 cities and 28 countries; researchers carried out 6,500 interviews in 14 languages, including 5,000 with figures in the international underworld. By drawing on archival materials in Geneva and New York, this article examines the role of ethnography in developing a social‐science measure of global crime threats. The discussion covers the Rockefeller grand jury and formation of the Bureau of Social Hygiene; the League's research in Europe, the Americas, and the Mediterranean; controversy concerning the use of undercover researchers; the League's research in Asia; and the end of the Bureau. The League's experience demonstrates the promise of multisite ethnography in research about global crime as well as the difficulty of mapping crime on a global scale.     

结果导向型援助及其超越 ——兼论中国国际发展合作与全球发展话语权

援助是一国外交政策的重要工具。冷战期间,美苏对外援助的主要目的是争夺盟友,对援助成效的评估主要是以过程为导向,其标准是援助的投入是否成功使受援国留在本方阵营。冷战后,西方国家内部出现援助预算的合法性危机,对援助成效的讨论也逐渐从过程导向转向结果导向。进入21世纪,联合国千年发展目标和2030年可持续发展目标为发展援助的结果评估提供了重要参照。结果导向型援助提高了中国对外援助的可见性,但其存在的弊端和南北垂直援助特征需要中国制定超越援助的新时代国际发展合作战略。联合国2030年可持续发展议程吸收了结果导向型援助的积极因素,但这也为超越该理念奠定了基础。新时代中国国际发展合作与2030年议程的深入对接为中国突破西方战略围堵和实现中华民族伟大复兴提供了重要机遇。全球发展倡议与"一带一路"倡议、人类命运共同体理念和生态文明思想共同构成中国全球发展话语权的基础,并逐步超越了结果导向型援助,为落实2030年议程指明了方向。     

新时代推进全球治理法治化的中国方案

国际法治是全球治理在国际法规、制度层面的重要方法和路径,推动国际法治建设对完善国际秩序和全球治理体系的意义重大。党的十八大以来,以习近平同志为核心的党中央先后提出了一系列国际法治建设的新理念,致力于为不断解决全球性问题、完善全球治理体系贡献中国智慧和中国方案。在理论层面,中国主张强调以《联合国宪章》、和平共处五项原则等公认的国际法规为准则,倡导创设民主、科学、公正的国际良法,统筹推动国内法治与国际法治、国际硬法与国际软法的共同发展,为实现全球良法善治提供方向指引。在实践层面,中国不断提升推进国际法治建设的能力和水平,不仅在国际立法方面,而且在解决国际争端、国际人权保护和共建“一带一路”等领域都积极贡献自己的力量,推动了国际法治体系的完善和法治合作机制的创新,成为国际法治建设和全球治理变革的积极参与者和推动者。习近平关于国际法治立场观点的提出,构成国际法治建设中国方案的主要内容,其对于中国提升解决国际问题和维护国家利益的能力、促进国际秩序和全球治理体系的民主化发展、推动构建人类命运共同体,具有深远影响。