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911.
This article consolidates the efforts of the Information Systems Research Group for the construction of a reference model for the management of agreements celebrated based on the Brazilian federal government's voluntary funds transfers. It presents the Reference Model for covenants' processes, which is the product of the third phase of this research project. This model will be used as reference in the fourth phase of this project, when it will be applied to a sample of covenants. Experience gained in this step will allow the consolidation of the Reference Model. An important contribution of this work is to facilitate the understanding of proposals, so processes analyzed can be improved and redesigned. Processes information, from organization to details of each activity, can then be disseminated to all interested parties. Results here presented are not final. They will serve as input to the next stage of the project, which is the Assessment of the Reference Model by selected Stadual and municipal governments. Each entity will contribute with its own perspective to improving the idealized model. 相似文献
912.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(1):81-99
Abstract This essay systematizes the ontology of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and the processes of their inclusion in world politics. It tracks conceptualizations of NGOs, their integration into IR theory, and the resultant move toward global governance (GG) theory. First, I provide an interdisciplinary ontological evolution of NGOs in international relations (IR): as international interest groups, then transnational social movement organizations, then transnational advocacy networks, and most recently as global civil society. All stress different features of NGO activism, but none have successfully replaced the term ‘NGO.’ Second, this new ontology requires a new process for participation in world politics—GG. GG theory expands on IR theory to include NGOs in multi-actor, issue-driven relationships. 相似文献
913.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(3):223-238
Abstract As part of the strategy for better governance, the European Commission has taken steps towards improved consultation and dialogue on European Union (EU) policy with interested parties. Opening up the policy process and getting interest groups involved are considered important for the democratic legitimacy of EU policy making. This article examines the public Internet consultation on the Commission proposal for a new European chemicals policy, the so-called REACH system. Being one of the most consulted issues in EU history, the chemicals policy review is considered as a critical test for the participatory mechanisms provided by the European Communities. By analysing more than 6000 contributions to the consultation, it is demonstrated that it invited broad participation, although industry was considerably better represented than NGOs and other civil society associations. Moreover, an overwhelming majority of participants were national actors from the largest member states rather than transnational actors. It is concluded that online consultations can invite broad participation in EU policy shaping but it is unlikely to bring about equal participation from different group of actors. Therefore it raises concern when measured against standards of democratic governance. 相似文献
914.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):89-110
Abstract The UK has become a prime case for the implementation of the ‘new governance’ of partnership between central government and civil society. This perspective has become central to New Labour policies for both local socio-economic regeneration and democratic renewal in the United Kingdom. However, limitations in its redistribution of power, its transparency in the policy-making process, including the representativeness of civil society participants, and, in the effectiveness of its outcomes have all been alleged by academic critics. These issues are explored by contrasting a robust, British case of local, participatory governance in Bristol with a quite different, and more conventional approach to democratic renewal in the Italian city of Naples. Despite similar problems of socio-economic dereliction and similar schemes of regeneration in the two cases, the Italian approach emphasized the exclusive role of a renewed constitutional democracy, while in Bristol central government agencies promoted an accentuation of local trends to participation by local civil society organizations. Applying an analytical framework composed of national policies and regulations, institutional rules and norms, and the collective ‘identity’ factors identified by social capital theory, governance changes are here treated as ‘exogenous shocks’ and/or as opportunities for choice. However, over and above differences in these institutional frameworks the key factors are shown to be the longer-standing political cultures influencing local actors and their own repertoires of action; with repertoires influenced by objective validations of previous policy choices, or economic or electoral successes. The study finds that the achievements of the ‘inclusive’, participative governance approach do not significantly exceed those of an exclusivist, ‘neo-constitutionalism’, as practised by a more autonomous local government in Naples. Thus, on this evidence, enhanced civil society engagement still requires greater freedom from central government direction. 相似文献
915.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(1):45-64
Abstract An empirical study has been made of victims of conflict in Timor-Leste and Nepal seeking a qualitative understanding of local post-conflict priorities. It allows an appreciation to emerge of how the conflict-affected conceive of legitimacy and quality of governance, with victims emphasizing basic needs, an addressing of issues of marginalization and the incorporation of indigenous understandings of the meaning of peace. The data in this study motivate a victim-centred discussion of both the limitations of liberal approaches to peace and the implications for the legitimacy of post-conflict governance of prioritizing the everyday needs of the conflict-affected, in contrast to universal and institutionally rooted liberal values. 相似文献
916.
《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2013,7(3):381-401
Security sector reform (SSR), targeting security forces and their management and oversight institutions, has become a major feature of international peace- and statebuilding activities. The article draws on policy transfer research to assess substantive and procedural changes in how international actors intervene in the security governance of fragile or post-conflict states. By comparing transfer processes in Liberia, Timor-Leste and the Palestinian Territories, the article shows that despite variations across political, economic and strategic factors in each domestic context, external SSR interventions showed distinct similarities. SSR interventions expanded their substantive scope over time; less directly coercive mechanisms of persuasion and socialization increasingly replaced the direct imposition of external models of security governance; and the influence of domestic elite actors on transfer processes increased over the duration of interventions. 相似文献
917.
Benjamin Van Rooij Gerald E. Fryxell Carlos Wing‐Hung Lo Wei Wang 《Regulation & Governance》2013,7(3):321-347
This paper examines how changes in governmental and social influences affect environmental enforcement in Guangzhou city, China, between 2000 and 2006. The paper finds that a form of “decentered regulation” has developed. Regulatory enforcement is no longer the sole affair of the government and the regulatory bureaucracy, but has been increasingly influenced by societal forces. The transformation over time shows the promises and limits of decentered regulation in Guangzhou's dynamic authoritarian setting. Analyzing a set of longitudinal survey data and qualitative interviews, the paper finds that by 2006, the rise of civil society and its increased support for protecting the environment had a double‐edged impact on the enforcement of environmental regulations. The paper demonstrates that on the one hand, by 2006, when government support for enforcement was low, societal forces developed an ability to counterbalance such lack of governmental support and positively influence enforcement. However, it also shows that when government support was high, a concurrent rise in societal support created a negative effect on enforcement. Thus too much societal support can become an enforcement burden. 相似文献
918.
吉志强 《中共山西省委党校学报》2013,36(3):61-65
乡村治理是乡村社会政治发展的一种新型政社权益关系结构状态,是社会主义新农村建设的现实目标和长远机制,而吸纳农村妇女参与政治则是实现乡村治理的必然要求。目前,虽然农村妇女政治参与意识较以往有了很大程度的提高,但却仍然面临着一系列的机制制约和现实困难,如农村妇女政治参与权和平等话语权保障机制滞后、农村妇女政治参与的民主和法制保障机制不健全等。为此,要通过以下几方面全面改善农村妇女政治参与状况:一是构建农村妇女政治参与的权益保障体系,二是培育乡村社会女性公民主体性政治文化,三是加强和改进乡村社会女性公民组织化机制,四是完善农村妇女政治参与的动力保障和激励机制。 相似文献
919.
公共政策产出存在多种机制:政府主导的"内生型"、公众有限参与的政府"回应型"、多中心治理下的"网络型"等。在各民主制国家多种政策产出机制是并存的,只是由于民主政治发展程度不同,三者所占比重不等而已。在治理理论成为一种政治思潮的今天,多中心的"网络型"政策产出机制也受到越来越多的欢迎和关注。这既给传统的政策产出机制带来一系列的影响,也使得该机制的不足得以暴露,如何进一步优化这一政策产出机制成为亟待解决的问题。 相似文献
920.
李晴晴 《福建警察学院学报》2013,(6):9-14
侦查协作是应对当前刑事犯罪特点和发展趋势所采取的一项有效的组织措施,但是我国目前的侦查协作情况却不容乐观。引入新公共管理中的“碎片化”概念,从六大维度分析我国侦查协作的现状,进而从整体性治理这一社会治理模式的视角出发,提出侦查协作的完善思路与方法。侦查协作的整体性治理对策包括加强侦查协作的整体性认识、侦查协作的整合、侦查协作主体之间的协作治理,侦查协作信息系统的建立、利用,建立和完善侦查协作的评估、监督和反馈机制。 相似文献