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981.
The debate about the relative merits of presidentialism and parliamentarism has a long history, but it was revived in 1990 with Juan Linz's articles about the supposed perils of presidentialism and the virtues of parliamentarism. The argument presented in this review is that we are now witnessing a ‘third wave’ of presidential/parliamentary studies since 1990. The ‘first wave’ began with Linz's articles. It was characterized by a debate in which there was one explanatory variable (the regime type) and one dependent variable (the success of democratic consolidation). The ‘second wave’ of presidential/parliamentary studies began around 1992–93. In the ‘second wave’ there is more than one explanatory variable (the regime type, usually, plus the party system and/or leadership powers) and often a different dependent variable (‘good governance’ as opposed to democratic consolidation). The ‘third wave’ is quite different. This work is informed by more general theories of political science. Here, the respective merits of presidential and parliamentary regimes are not necessarily the sole focus of the work. However, its overarching approach informs the debate in this area in a more or less direct manner. The argument in this review article is that the ‘third wave’ of studies has much to offer the ongoing debate about the relative merits of presidentialism and parliamentarism. 相似文献
982.
Daniel Stockemer 《Democratization》2013,20(1):118-136
This analysis looks at the link between regime type and good governance across four different levels of development – low income countries, medium-low income countries, medium-high income countries, and high income countries. Through pooled time series analysis of more than 170 countries with yearly or bi-yearly data from 1996 to 2009, I find that democracies are better governed than non-democracies. This relationship is robust across all regime types. Even at a low level of development, countries that elect their representatives in free and fair elections have a better regulatory framework and are more efficient and transparent. The practical implications of this finding are that a democratically governed state will most likely have a superior social and economic track record than a non-democracy. 相似文献
983.
Rui Graça Feijó 《Democratization》2013,20(2):268-288
The relationship between the choice of a government system, namely semi-presidentialism, and the performance of democracy is the subject of current debate. This article considers Elgie's proposal for a positive correlation between premier-presidential forms of semi-presidentialism and the success of democratic transitions, and discusses the way in which Timor-Leste fits the model as well as the need for a clear view of the incentive mechanisms at play. It further analyses the importance of “independent” presidents with “moderating powers” as a way of achieving inclusive governance and to facilitate democratic consolidation. Contrary to suppositions that attribute a tendency for president-parliamentary regimes to succumb to conflict between the main political actors, the case of Timor-Leste suggests that the definition of the president's role as a “moderator”, and the exercise of the function by “independent”, non-party personalities counteracts such inclinations with positive effects on democratic consolidation. 相似文献
984.
Sarah Keenan 《The Modern law review》2013,76(3):464-493
This article analyses two cases brought by aboriginal Australians against the Australian government acquisition of long leases of their land under the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Act 2007. These leases are conspicuous, particularly in that the government always made it clear that it would not take up its right to exclusive possession of the leased land, and has not done so. The leases have not been used to evict residents, as some feared; nor to pursue mining or agricultural activity. Socio‐legal theories centered on the right to exclusive possession cannot account for these leases. The article explores the use of property under the 2007 Act, the legal geographies of the areas subject to the leases and the political potency of property beyond exclusive possession, and suggests an understanding of property as a spatially contingent relation of belonging. Specifically, the article argues that property is productive of temporal and spatial order and so can function as a tool of governance. 相似文献
985.
宋彭 《陕西行政学院学报》2012,26(2):22-25
公益事业单位既是中国事业单位集群的主体,也是分类改革后能够继续保留在国家事业序列内的唯一类型。现有公益事业单位虽然在职能目标上符合国家事业的要求,但在组织形态上还需要进一步转变成为"现代公益事业组织"。在法人自治基础上的科学管理是现代公益事业组织的基本要求和基本特征,公益事业单位内部治理模式改革的核心是构建与组织属性相符合的法人治理结构。公益事业单位由于其职能范围的广泛性、组织地位的独立性以及行为目标的公共性,适宜采用"理事会+执行负责人"的法人治理结构,同时还应建立一个由利益相关人广泛参与的共同治理架构。 相似文献
986.
新世纪以来,全球治理的理论和实践得到了较大的发展,作为全球治理新探索的"海利根达姆进程"受到了较多的关注。运用"结构-进程"互动的视角对其进行分析能够帮助我们更透彻的认识"海利根达姆进程"的启动、发展和演变;此外,这一新视角并不仅限于观察单一案例,对于我们分析和研究更广泛的全球治理实践,也是适用和有效的。 相似文献
987.
李嘉娜 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2022,36(1):50-59
近年来共享用工在人力资源调配和促进就业等方面取得了实效,但同时也暴露出苗头性的滥用问题和深层次的症结根源.本研究通过梳理分析共享用工的发展类型、差异比较、共性特点及未来趋势,剖析共享用工存在的主要问题,提出相应对策.研究发现,实践中共享用工形式多样、法律关系含混复杂.因缺乏明确的法律依据,其法律性质及劳动用工关系界定不... 相似文献
988.
Recent work on coalition governance claims that government parties use the chairs of parliamentary committees to ‘shadow’ ministers and thus to monitor coalition partners. This argument rests on the assumption that committee chairs enjoy special powers to extract information from ministries and to affect policy-making in committee. To test this assumption, the paper develops the first comparative measure of committee chair powers in fifteen Western European democracies. The analysis shows that most committee chairs have very limited formal powers and that the share of shadowing chairs does not increase when committee chairs are more powerful. Both findings cast doubt on the interpretation of shadow chairs as a monitoring device. We sketch an alternative explanation according to which coalition parties employ the shadowing strategy in order to increase public visibility and to counteract issue ownership by the minister’s party. 相似文献
989.
范海珍 《中共铜仁地委党校学报》2010,(1)
作为公共权力执掌者,在公共危机的多元治理主体中,政府必然处于主导地位,承担必要的责任。本文分析了政府公共危机应急管理的特殊性及其政府有效履行责任的必要性,在此基础上从充分合理行使公权力,强化政府责任意识;建立危机管理财政保障体系,加强资金监管;倡导危机治理理念,积极培育危机治理非政府主体;完善公共危机治理法制建设,践行依法行政四个方面对政府在公共危机治理中应承担的责任进行界定。 相似文献
990.
跨国合作:全球化视阈下食品安全治理的新构想 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
食品安全是关系到整个人类生存与发展的严峻问题,已成为各国政府和人民共同关注的焦点。经济全球化使得食品安全成为全球性问题,各合作治理主体加强合作,采取协调行动,实施跨国合作治理是解决该世界难题的有效之策。 相似文献