论依法治省与经济社会的协调发展

依法治国是党的十五大确定的治国方略,依法治省是依法治国方略在我省的具体实施和落实,科学的发展观要求我们必须注重经济社会的协调发展.本文论述了依法治省与经济社会协调发展的关系:依法治省与经济社会协调发展具有一致性;依法治省与经济社会协调发展都需要执政能力的提高;坚持依法治省,促进我省经济社会的协调发展.     

A Cartography of a Global Civil Society Advocacy Alliance: The Case of the Global Call to Action against Poverty

The last few decades have witnessed the emergence of global civil society advocacy networks as major players in global governance. The Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) is one of the recent phenomena in this arena and epitomizes high-level involvement of a multiplicity of actors in GCAP, with various multilateral governance institutions, as well as states. This article analyses the origins of GCAP, motivations for its formation, evolution, and operations, with specific references to its structures and architecture. It argues that alliances are very different from ‘normal’ forms of organizations because they are made up of diverse forms of organizations, coming together voluntarily to achieve a specific purpose and therefore are by their very nature complex, unstable, and difficult to co-ordinate. The result of such, within GCAP, is an organization that is somewhat amorphous and exhibits both aspects of anti-systemic protest (in Polanyian terms) as well as a pacifying force (part of the hegemonic historic block in Gramcsian terms). I argue that the loose nature of global civil society alliances is a positive contributor to mass mobilization but causes frustrations in decision-making and actions. This, in effect, calls for a more bureaucratized and institutionalized architecture, albeit with a potential to alienate some constituencies. A key lesson from GCAP's evolution, structures, and strategies, I posit, is that it is not possible to push through individual positions without compromising so as to accommodate others.     

和谐警民关系视野下的从优待警研究

在大力提倡构建和谐社会的背景下,构建和谐警民关系是其中的一项重要内容。笔者认为在构建和谐警民关系时我们把更多地精力放在了如何亲民、爱民,想方设法满足百姓的需要上,而忽视了对我们民警自身的关注。因此笔者通过搜集和阅读大量文献资料,并结合实际分析了从优待警的重要性、必要性,从优待警目前存在的问题及产生的原因,并提出了一系列相应的解决对策,希望能为呼吁社会更多地关注民警的工作、生活贡献自身的力量,希望能为构建和谐社会贡献自己的力量。     

和谐理念视角下的司法权威建构

司法权威的和谐理念就是指如何保证和维护司法内部在行驶国家权力时能够形成相互支持、相互配合并相互促进的和谐机制并保证司法过程和司法结果产生公平公正效果的思想和理论支持,它强调的是司法权配置的合理性,司法运行过程的协调性和司法行为结果的公正性,是系统性和权威性在司法中的要求和体现。文章从司法权配置的和谐、司法过程的和谐和司法结果的和谐来论述了如何在和谐理念下树立司法的权威。     

少数民族中心城市和谐行政执法方式的探索——以贵州省凯里市为例

少数民族地区中心城市是少数民族聚居地,在城市管理执法中由于民族习惯引发的纠纷较多,构成城市管理的特殊问题,这些民俗习惯将渗透于案件的执法管理过程,形成特殊性。基于此,少数民族地区城市的执法管理,应该充分考虑少数民族文化习惯尤其是民族禁忌,采取变通执法,做到国家法律与地方文化习惯的兼容,才能使少数民族地区城市执法达到和谐目的。     

A study in contrasts

In this personal view of a 'second generation' psychoanalyst in Vienna, private life events are counterposed to political and social developments in Austria over the last twenty-five years, leading up to the phenomenon of Jörg Haider and the recent formation of the new Austrian government including his Freedom Party (FPÖ). In particular, de Mendelssohn discusses the resurgence of openly antisemitic utterances and racist electoral platforms, both against the larger background of historical precedents and against the smaller one of a psychoanalytic study group set up to enquire into the unconscious motives and fantasies involved in this resurgence. Although the emergence of public prejudice is an alarming sign, de Mendelssohn points to mitigating factors. On the one hand there is the possibility of seeing Austria as a 'test case' for similar, often more actively violent eruptions in other European countries, one in which coping strategies may be developed while there is still time. Here he sees the EU sanctions against Austria as fully justified. On the other hand there is an active and younger generation and a solid history of civil protest that may help strengthen Austria's rather weak democratic traditions. As an analogue to Freud's individual psychoanalysis, in which the 'return of the repressed' is seen as a painful experience but necessary for insight and growth, the resurgence of quasi-racist politics in Austria may be seen as a necessary result of long years of being more or less taboo, with the hope that there can be a 'working through' of inter-generational dislocation and social amnesia.     

Low Intensity Democracies: Latin America in the Post-dictatorial Era

In the context of the Cold War and accompanied by the doctrines of National Security, authoritarian and often repressive military or civil-military regimes emerged in a number of Latin American countries. However, military regimes were not the only ones contributing to the formation of societies mutilated by fear and terror. During the last four decades, the continent became affected by a cycle of violence that involved various armed actors, from the armed forces to the guerrilla, from the paramilitaries to the narcotics-trafficking Mafia, or from the committees of self-defence to the 'common' criminals. This article focuses on the persistence of military influence and organised political violence more general in post-authoritarian and indeed post-Cold War Latin America. After briefly reviewing the historical legacy of so-called 'political armies' in the region as a whole, I offer an assessment of the consequences of this legacy for the current agenda of democratic consolidation in Latin America. Two possible scenarios are examined: that of fairly progressive democratisation and civilianisation of politics, and that of the re-emergence of violence despite the formal rule of democracy. In the latter scenario, de facto harsh and violent regimes collide with a growing array of rival perpetrators of political and other forms of organised violence.     

Rondas Campesinas in the Peruvian Civil War: Peasant Self-defence Organisations in Ayacucho

Despite the fact that the Shining Path guerrilla movement in Peru enjoyed initial peasant support, the emergence and spread of rondas campesinas or self-defence committees in the Andean highlands of Ayacucho was principally a response against coercion and violence exerted by Shining Path against the very same peasantry. This article seeks to demonstrate that the ronda phenomenon must be understood as part of the complex changes brought about by the proliferation of violence in the Peruvian Andes. The spread of rondas campesinas cannot be reduced to a mere counterinsurgent strategy imposed by the security forces on the rural communities; communal initiative and peasant 'agency' were, at certain stages, at least as important. Only with the rise to power of Fujimori were the self-defence committees formally incorporated in the state's anti-guerrilla strategy. Subsequently, with the reduction in the level of violence, self-defence committees have been seeking new roles in relation to the challenges of re-civilianisation and reconstruction.     

国家利益与社会利益:社会主义和谐社会下的中国政府改革创新

中国特色社会主义政府创新的基本经验和未来启示在于:政府改革创新必须依据本国国情,国家利益为重;必须遵循渐进原则,综合利益平衡;必须反对官僚主义,倡导公利压倒私利;必须高度关注民生,人民利益至上。     

反盗版行为的法治对策

盗版行为侵蚀了版权制度,扰乱了市场秩序,侵害了作者的知识产权,损害了消费者合法权益。近年来,盗版行为之所以猖獗,原因是多方面的,如中国传统文化心态影响下人们的版权意识不强;巨大的经济利益是盗版行为的主要动力;不健全的行政体制为盗版提供了温床;不完善的法律制度使盗版有机可乘等。因此,依法反盗版行为,必须增强反盗版意识,加强对盗版行为的惩罚力度,完善市场准入法律制度,完善版权法律制度,不断增强法律规定的可操作性。