A Perspective on Policy and Practice in the Re-Integration of Offenders

Concentrations of unemployment and crime are promoting a slow crisis in the lives of unskilled young men, and obstruct the successful re-integration and resettlement of offenders. At the same time, criminal justice system programmes for offenders are seeking a new balance between treatment approaches and the creation of opportunities. In this article the author reflects on the policy frameworks which give rise to these approaches, and considers the danger that criminal justice systems may place emphasis on diverting people from crime without directing them towards opportunities for re-integration. The author considers the needs of offenders in relation to housing and employment in particular.     

论公民代理行为的性质及其法律适用

诉讼活动中公民代理行为具有合同性和劳务性。取得劳动报酬权是宪法所赋予公民的基本人权———劳动权的重要内容。公民代理行为由宪法以及体现其分配原则的劳动法和合同法来调整。任何法律和政策的制定都不可以剥夺公民的劳动权及其劳动报酬权 ,否定公民代理人行为的劳务性 ,将它们视为一种无偿劳动的做法 ,是在事实上违背了宪法所确定的“按劳分配”的社会主义分配原则 ,是对劳动者劳动权及其劳动价值的一种否定 ,也不符合合同法的基本精神。     

论纠纷的可诉性

纠纷的可诉性是实现当事人的裁判请求权的逻辑前提 ,纠纷可诉性的广度反映了裁判请求权的实现程度。目前我国民事诉讼法理论和实务界关于纠纷可诉性的标准或依据及范围的理解限制了裁判请求权实现的空间范围。纠纷可诉性的标准应当为纠纷是平等主体之间的财产关系争议和人身关系争议 ,而并非限于民事法律关系争议。纠纷可诉性的范围包括民法所调整的民事法律关系发生的争议、应受民事法律保护的应有权利受到侵害引发的争议、宪法权利受到私法主体侵害所引发的争议。     

论仲裁制度的诉讼化

本文通过诉讼和仲裁程序特征的比较,认为仲裁是基于诉讼的缺陷而产生、发展的,仲裁发展的过程是一个制度化的过程,仲裁制度化的过程固然承继了诉讼中的许多有益做法,但不宜诉讼化,仲裁的诉讼化有违仲裁的精神,从而使仲裁失去自身的特点和优势。我国仲裁制度中存在着一定程度的诉讼化倾向,本文对此进行了论述并提出了相应的改进方法。     

How Social Wealth Funds Could Help Tackle Inequality

This article examines the potential to tackle the roots of inequality by the introduction of one or more social wealth funds. Such funds would aim to capture some of the financial gains from the private ownership of capital—a principal driver of inequality—and use the proceeds for wider community benefit, such as investment in social infrastructure. In recent decades a number of countries have introduced a variant on such funds, mostly taking the form of state‐owned sovereign wealth funds resourced through the exploitation of oil, and used for a diversity of economic purposes. In contrast, the UK has failed to take the opportunity to create such funds by, for example, reinvesting the revenue from the sales of public assets. So would it be possible to build one or more such collectively owned funds in the UK, and if so, how should they be financed? As well as funding social investment and anti‐inequality programmes, could such a scheme also help finance a regular Citizen's Dividend payment or a Citizen's Income scheme?     

Apartheid Policing: examining the US migrant labour system through a South African Lens

This article draws a parallel between the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the post-IRCA immigration regime in the USA. I argue that both regimes were organised around Apartheid Policing, which may be defined as a legal process consisting of three mutually reinforcing mechanisms: differentiation of migrants into non-citizen insiders with legal residence rights and non-citizen outsiders without them; stabilisation of migrants as permanent or long-term residents, enabling the growth of the migrant workforce; and marginalisation of migrants as politically vulnerable outsiders, including exploitation at work. But the two regimes were supported by different political and ideological apparatuses. While placing a disproportionate burden on Latino migrants, the post-IRCA immigration regime differed from the Apartheid regime in that it was not organised around an explicit racial hierarchy, and offered non-citizens a greater array of rights. As a result, Apartheid Policing under the post-IRCA immigration regime is potentially more politically sustainable.     

Utopia in Crisis? Subaltern Imaginations in Contemporary Bihar

Abstract

The Subaltern Studies Collective inaugurated an important point of departure in Indian historiography and social sciences by demanding that attention be directed to subalterns (a term adapted from Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks) as makers of their own destinies. Their scholarship raises three issues, which are discussed in this article. The first of these relates to the empirical observation about subaltern resistance to elites. The second pertains to the analytical dichotomy between elite and subaltern modes of conducting politics. The third centres on the valorisation of a putatively coherent fragment that seeks autonomy from the totality of the state. The fundamental problem with the perspective advanced by the subaltern studies scholars stems from their implicit assumption that utopian ideals centred on reclaiming dignity and asserting social equality are necessarily derivative of European Enlightenment ideals.     

Beyond the Thomas–Kilmann Model: Into Extreme Conflict

This article discusses an extension to the Thomas–Kilmann conflict mode instrument (Thomas and Kilmann 1977) designed specifically for conflict situations in which strong negative emotional relationships are at play. The Thomas–Kilmann (TK) model is widely used to help participants (disputants and mediators) identify how two basic conflict characteristics interact to influence how stakeholders shape their actions with regard to their interests. Essentially the TK Model is built on the premise that the two salient conflict variables are the relative importance of the relationships at hand and the substantive issues being discussed. These variables are illustrated with a simple matrix that shows how each party will interact with the other based on the relative importance it places on these variables. Graphically illustrating where the behaviors fall on the matrix can explicate parties' behaviors to add a new perspective that may change the dynamic of the conflict. But the TK Model does not address scenarios in which individuals have very negative or destructive relationships, and sabotage, blocking, and exclusion are behavioral norms. Hence, we developed the Baumoel–Trippe (BT) Extension to the TK Model to address the highly negative and often identity‐based conflicts that are often found in the world of family business. Accordingly, the BT Extension to the TK Model explores conflicts in which the relationships are not merely unimportant or uncooperative, but where they become negative to downright vengeful. There is so much at stake for family business stakeholders that the family relationships may become so adversarial that the very business and family harmony all parties value are at risk. With our extension of the TK Model, we seek to provide insight into how decisions might be made when stakeholders are in highly negative, conflictual relationships.     

论中国-东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制及其完善

中国—东盟自由贸易区始建于2002年《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议》的签署,按照规划将于2010年建成,它是一个包括11个成员国的区域经济一体化组织。本文考察了中国—东盟自由贸易区与其他自由贸易区的法律模式,并对其利弊得失作了恰如其分的比较,在此基础上分析了以2005年生效的《中国—东盟全面经济合作框架协议争端解决机制协议》为基础的中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的优点和存在的缺陷,探究了欧盟和北美自由贸易区的争端解决机制,提炼出可供借鉴的合理成分和可取之处,在总结归纳的同时,提出了完善和改进中国—东盟自由贸易区争端解决机制的具体建议和设想。     

对我国社会保障争议解决机制的理论反思——基于权利救济的考察

我国宪法以制度保障的方式宣告了公民的社会保障权,无救济即无权利,而其中以司法救济最具有决定意义。社会保障争议主体多元、内容复杂,不同于民事争议和行政争议,也有别于劳动争议。西方各国普遍将社会保障争议作为一种独立的争议形式,通过立法建立专门法院或法庭,或授权普通法院通过特殊程序处理社会保障争议。我国还没有专门的社会保障争议解决机制,对社会保障争议按照劳动争议或行政争议的方式处理,存在诸多不足,应借鉴国外经验,根据其特殊性探索处理社会保障争议的理论,完善非诉讼解决机制,设立社会保障法庭,建立专门的社会保障争议解决程序制度,加强权利保护。