论新兴权利的一般理论

新兴权利不同于新型权利。它是法定权利的对称,是法定权利之外的、实存的社会权利,但与此同时,它是与法定权利息息相关的权利。新兴权利的生成根据,既可能出于法律遗漏,也可能是出自法律排斥,更可能出自社会关系和社会事实变迁。新兴权利的保护方式,既可能通过权利推定,也可能通过民间规范,还可能通过纠纷解决。     

疫情防控中妨害公务罪的法教义学解析

为了个人自由而抗拒防疫管控,是对国家公务活动正常秩序的公然侵犯,具有法益侵害性。对于妨害公务罪之"暴力、威胁",应结合其侵害法益、实务经验予以合理界定。参与疫情管控的基层工作人员能否作为妨害公务罪之对象,需根据司法解释的规定,紧扣从事疫情防控职权之公务性质深入分析。以暴力、威胁方法抗拒不当防疫措施的,因防疫执法之合法性丧失,不构成妨害公务罪。行为人对防疫执法行为合法性的认识错误,属于对构成要件的事实认识错误,阻却犯罪故意的成立。     

论政府数据开放的收费定价及其法律规制

政府数据在法律性质上具有财产的属性,在实践中也具有可交易性的特点,是一种财产性权利。政府数据开放具有渐进性、开放性、价值性、时效性、周期性、非买断性和再利用性的特点,根据不同的标准可对其作相应的类型化区分。政府对于开放的数据进行收费定价有其合理基础,在数据开放定价模式上则有免费模式、按成本费用定价模式以及按“成本+利润”定价模式。我国政府数据开放的定价收费问题,应置于行政收费的法制框架下讨论,基于公平、效率和量能支付等行政收费的基本原则,确立向社会公众免费开放、向市场主体的商业化利用有限收费的制度。作为减损公民财产利益的负担行为,政府数据开放收费定价应受到法律的严格规制。在确立政府数据开放的基本定价模式基础上,由立法来创设数据的收费定价,完善收费程序,加强对收费定价行为的行政内部监督机制建设,从而推动政府数据有序、规范开放。     

Scottish legal education after Brexit

ABSTRACT

This paper offers some reflections on the possible consequences of Brexit for legal education in Scotland. Scotland’s small and distinctive legal system is bolstered by devolved legislative powers and characterised by a tradition of openness to external influences. Scotland’s legal system and relatedly, its legal education system, will be poorer for Brexit. That said, this paper argues that the features and traditions of the legal system and legal higher education system in Scotland make them well placed (and perhaps better placed than those in the other domestic jurisdictions) to resist such dampening pressures and indeed to embrace EU legacies and other European and international influences.     

论法律的思想实践及其实践理性原则

法律的思想实践即主体以法律工程设计模型为对象而在自己的思想和观念中进行的以思想操作与思想实验为核心的思维实践活动。法律的思想实践是全部法律实践活动在逻辑上和事实上的真正起点。思想性、实践性、现实性、创造性、感性与理性的有机结合,是法律的思想实践的基本特点。合法性、正当性、合理性、客观性和逻辑一致性,则是法律的思想实践必须遵循的实践理性原则的核心原则。     

通信权的宪法释义与审查框架--兼与杜强强、王锴、秦小建教授商榷

在"法院调取通话记录""交警查手机"等实践争议引导下,学者们借助基本权利限制的"保护范围—限制—限制的合宪性论证"的审查框架,推进了通信权的宪法释义。但将通话记录排除出通信权的保护范围,并不能有效解决实践难题,且因为过早窄化保护范围而会影响基本权利的保护效果。诉诸隐私权或者个人信息权的方案亦难以成立。应认识到《宪法》第40条存在因制宪者预见不足而产生的宪法漏洞。如果将"检查通信"理解为"示例性规定",则《宪法》第40条容有对通信权限制的其他可能性。在"通信内容"和"非内容的通信信息"分层构造下,可以建立起既能回应生活事实和实践争议,又能落实宪法严格保护目标的教义学体系和审查框架。基本权利个论的研究,有助于反思基本权利保护范围的"宽界定"或"窄界定",以及法律保留体系的普适性等基本权利总论问题。     

“法律监督机关”的立法内涵、演进逻辑及内在机理

“法律监督机关”是我国宪法对人民检察院的性质定位。1979年《人民检察院组织法》首次将“法律监督机关”法定化,立法内涵为注重法律监督下重建法制权威,是在中国检察理论和实践中形成的机关,侧重刑事诉讼监督和打击犯罪。1982年宪法使“法律监督机关”成为了宪法规范上的国家机关,基于宪法职能和诉讼制度改革而侧重于加强诉讼监督,并在监察体制改革下进行了自我更新,成为与监察委相互配合行使法律监督职能的机关。“法律监督机关”内涵演进的内在机理是人大体制下权力分工模式的必然要求,落实宪法规定的法律监督职能的重要选择,以及参与宪制层面政治体制改革的要求。“法律监督机关”概念内涵具有延展性,会随着立法修订和制度变迁衍生出新的内涵和解释,不断凸显中国特色社会主义检察理论的特性。     

《监察法》与《刑法》衔接实施的基点、问题与路径

基于《监察法》的宪法性法律地位和全面依法治国方略等理论基点,《监察法》的有效实施需《刑法》与之有机衔接。然而,《刑法》在相应职务犯罪主体及相关犯罪对象、罪名体系、刑罚配置和认罪认罚从宽规定等方面,存在与《监察法》不相对接的诸多问题,使得依《监察法》意图实现的监察全覆盖等目标难以实现,并会滋生新的权力滥用风险。《监察法》与《刑法》衔接实施以上问题的有效解决,应是基于以上理论基点,通过法律解释和刑法修正的路径,完善《刑法》相应规定的司法适用规则和立法规范设置。     

Who Represents the Constituency? Online Political Communication by Members of Parliament in the German Mixed-Member Electoral System

Members of parliament (MPs) are elected via two different tiers in mixed-member electoral systems—as winners of a seat in a constituency or as party candidates under proportional rules. While previous research has identified important consequences of this “mandate divide” in parliaments, questions remain how this institutional setup affects MPs' political behavior in other arenas. Analyzing more than one million social media posts, this article investigates regional representation in the online communication of German MPs. The results show that MPs elected under a direct mandate refer approximately twice as often to their constituencies by using regionalized wording and geographic references than MPs elected under the proportional tier. The substantive findings provide new evidence for the benefits of mixed-member electoral systems for political representation while the methodological approach demonstrates the added value of social media data for analyzing the political behavior of elites.     

Ideology,party systems and corruption voting in European democracies

What is the impact of corruption on citizens' voting behavior? There is a growing literature on an increasingly ubiquitous puzzle in many democratic countries: that corrupt officials continue to be re-elected by voters. In this study we address this issue with a novel theory and newly collected original survey data for 24 European countries. The crux of the argument is that voters' ideology is a salient factor in explaining why citizens would continue voting for their preferred party despite the fact that it has been involved in a corruption scandal. Developing a theory of supply (number of effective parties) and demand (voters must have acceptable ideological alternatives to their preferred party), we posit that there is a U-shaped relationship between the likelihood of corruption voting and where voters place themselves on the left/right spectrum. The further to the fringes, the more likely the voters are to neglect corruption charges and continue to support their party. However, as the number of viable party alternatives increases, the effect of ideology is expected to play a smaller role. In systems with a large number of effective parties, the curve is expected to be flat, as the likelihood that the fringe voters also have a clean and reasonably ideologically close alternative to switch to. The hypothesis implies a cross level interaction for which we find strong and robust empirical evidence using hierarchical modeling. In addition, we provide empirical insights about how individual level ideology and country level party systems – among other factors – impact a voter's decision to switch parties or stay home in the face of their party being involved in a corruption scandal.