公司章程“排除”公司法:立法表达与司法检视

我国现行《公司法》中的"公司章程另有规定,从其规定"条款,消解了实践中公司章程"排除"公司法相应条款的合法性危机。然而遗憾的是,对于公司法中的"另有规定"条款之立法筹划与司法裁判问题学界少有系统性研究。从实现章程自治的制度初衷而言,未来公司法规则之修订应充分利用"假设交易"方法、"遵守反之则解释"方法与"单向缺省"方法重新塑构其中的缺省性规范,以进一步明确并扩展公司章程可"排除"的规则范围;同时,相关案件之司法裁判应抛弃公司合同主义的裁判路径和初始章程与后续章程二元界分的裁判标准,转而采用"目的性标准"与"公正度标准",以团体法标准从实质意义上判别公司章程"排除"公司法决议的效力属性。     

立法权的内在限制——一种法律和立法二元划分的进路

立法权的限制是宪政理论的一项重要内容。作为一项权力形态的立法权 ,其出现及其发展是有着深厚历史渊源的 ,因而 ,对“立法权”这个语词本身就应当作历史的考察 ,在厘清“立法权”这个语词本身蕴含的深厚意义的前提下 ,才能探讨“如何限制立法权”这个进一步的论题。从法律和立法二元划分的进路探讨立法权的限制 ,有利于厘清立法权限制的另一个维度 ,即内在限制的维度 ,在此基础上 ,另外一个重要问题是立法权内在限制和外在限制的结合。     

Developmental Antecedents of Interpartner Violence in a New Zealand Birth Cohort

This paper examines the developmental antecedents of interpartner violence (IPV) victimization and perpetration in a New Zealand birth cohort (n = 828). The study found: (a) IPV occurred in 70% of relationships, with conflict ranging from minor psychological abuse to severe assault; (b) men and women reported similar experiences of victimization and perpetration of IPV; (c) exposure to abuse in childhood, family dysfunction and adversity, childhood and adolescent conduct problems, and alcohol abuse/dependence were significant predictors of IPV victimization and perpetration at age 25; and (d) the antecedents of IPV were largely the same for males and females, although the specific effects of these risk factors differed according to gender. Conduct disorder was more strongly predictive of IPV for females, whereas family adversity was more strongly predictive of IPV victimisation for males.     

Parties, rules and government legislative control in Central Europe: The case of Poland

A distinguishing feature of Central European polities is a strong policy-shaping role of parliaments. This article demonstrates how party political and procedural factors set the scene for the executive's loss of legislative control in Poland. Parties undermine the governmental grip because of their limited internal cohesion and competitive coalitional strategies. Parliamentary rules reinforce such party effects. The executive can shield its bills from amendments by relying mainly on partisan controls, not formal privileges. But, as an analysis of over 300 bills shows, when party discipline and coalition cooperation are in short supply, partisan controls are ineffective as instruments of legislative control.     

美国三权分立制度与我国议行合一制度之比较

由于历史、文化和社会条件等的差异,不同的国家所实施的国家管理形式会不相同。美国实行三权分立政治制度,中国实行的是议行合一政治体制。抑恶功能是前者的价值理念,扬善功能是后者的价值理念。它们在实践中都有所长,有所短,需要相互借鉴,取长补短。     

生态城市规划及其立法理念

传统的以环境媒介为保护对象的环境保护法律制度已经不能解决现有的复杂的环境问题,必须进行研究范式与制度内容的彻底变革。生态城市规划是这种改变的一个新思路,其基本的出发点就是将城市作为一个特殊的生态系统来进行规划,同时将城市生态视为一个更大范围的生态系统的组成部分;其所包含的立法理念有:城市是生态系统的重要组成部分,对生态城市规划的研究必须坚持系统的观点;建设可持续性的、健康的生态城市是解决全球环境问题的关键;人类作为一个关键物种在城市生态系统中起主导作用,生态系统必须有利于促进所有人的健康和精神愉悦;将土地利用规划和环境保护统一起来;将环境魅力作为生态城市规划立法的核心理念。     

对立法权限度的法理思考——专论全国人大与全国人大常委会的立法权限

随着我国法治建设的不断推进,全国人大和全国人大常委会的立法权限在实践中存在的问题日益凸显,它们集中表现为:一是两者的立法权都处于不受约束的地位;二是两者立法权行使的范围相互矛盾和冲突,给法律的实施带来许多的困惑。而建立合理、有效的立法体制,完善权力监督机制,是我国转型时期法治建设必须思考的问题。     

侦查基本原则新探

本文从分析侦查的基本原则与刑事诉讼基本原则的关系入手,探讨了决定侦查基本原则的两个关键因素——侦查目的和侦查价值,从侦查的程序法治性原则和技术性原则两个层面阐述了侦查的基本原则。     

谈巨额财产来源不明罪在司法实践中的困境与完善

为了更加有效地预防打击公务员队伍中的腐败行为,保持公务员队伍的廉洁性,我国刑法在1988年规定了巨额财产来源不明罪,作为贪污罪和受贿罪的截堵性罪名。随着司法实践的深入,这一罪名显现出很多实体和程序上的漏洞,配套制度的建设也不能及时完善,使其在司法适用上出现很多困难。在从立法技术上对该罪名加以完善的同时,加强建设和完善相关的配套制度,才能有效地预防和打击腐败、惩治贪污受贿,为社会主义的经济建设提供坚实的法律保障。     

THE IMPACT OF RACIALLY INCLUSIVE SCHOOLING ON ADULT INCARCERATION RATES AMONG U.S. COHORTS OF AFRICAN AMERICANS AND WHITES SINCE 1930*

Despite the substantial body of research on the psychological and social effects of racial segregation in schools on African Americans, few studies have considered the possibility that more racially inclusive schools might reduce the risk of extremely negative adult life experiences such as incarceration. Yet such a connection is made plausible by research linking black racial isolation in schools to variables that are often associated with incarceration rates, including concentrated poverty, and low educational and occupational aspirations and attainment. In this paper, we apply methods first developed by labor economists to assess the impact of racial inclusiveness in schools on individual incarceration rates for 5‐year cohorts of African Americans and whites born since 1930. We find strong support for the conclusion that blacks educated in states where a higher proportion of their classmates were white experienced significantly lower incarceration rates as adults. Moreover, our analysis suggests that the effects of racial inclusiveness on black incarceration rates have grown stronger over time. These longitudinal effects are consistent with the argument that the educational climate of predominantly black schools has deteriorated in more recent decades.