西方文化霸权的运作程式和理论形态

在全球化的时代,西方文化霸权已经成为一个日益凸显的国际关系问题,他们以媒介霸权为技术基础,以话语控制为基本途径,把自己的意识形态、文化价值观在被输入国的广泛渗透,以种族优越论、文化至上论、文明冲突论等为理论支撑,实现自己文化霸权的目的。了解了西方文化霸权的基本程式和理论基础,我们要更加自觉地捍卫自己的文化主权。     

社会可持续发展战略与文明发展模式的选择

社会文明从构成上不限于物质文明和精神文明,还有制度文明、信息文明、政治文明、生态文明等文明形式。可持续发展战略的落实有赖于文明观的转变和文明发展模式的调整。以人为本,多种文明一起抓,走综合协调的文明发展道路,选择生态文明为主导的文明模式,是文明发展规律的内在要求。     

市场经济需要加强地方立法

市场经济是法制经济 ,要建立社会主义市场经济 ,就必须加强法制建设 ,把市场经济纳入法制的轨道。立法是法运行的开端 ,加强法制建设必须加强立法工作。我国地域辽阔 ,人口众多 ,各地区经济发展不平衡 ,所以 ,在暂不便由国家先行立法或国家来不及立法的领域由地方先行立法 ,既保证了地方经济的发展 ,又为中央立法在该领域积累了实践经验。同时 ,地方立法又可为国家法律的贯彻实施起到重要的保障作用     

邓小平政治文明理论与当代中国政治文明建设

邓小平在推进中国政治现代化的进程中,对社会主义民主政治建设进行了深入的思考,提出了一系列关于政治文明的思想观点,这些观点对当代中国政治文明建设提供了重要的思想资源和有益的启示.     

对价值观基础的阐释

论文突破了对价值观基础的传统释义,阐释了价值观的深层基础、现实基础以及价值观基础中的历史因素和文化因素.社会生产方式是价值观的最深层基础.生产力和生产关系决定了价值观的性质,它们的变化是价值观发生变化的根本动因.价值观是文明社会的产物,由物质文明、精神文明和制度文明组成的社会文明是价值观的现实基础.一定的生产方式和社会文明之中,包含着历史和文化的因素,它们赋予价值观以历史和文化特征,因而是价值观基础中的重要内容.     

论毛泽东思想中蕴含的生态文明建设思想

新中国成立以来,特别是改革开放以来,我国的工业得到了迅猛的发展,并取得了极大的历史成就,然而,伴随而来的环境破坏不得不给人民敲响了环保意识的警钟。事实上,生态环境问题要追溯到20世纪五六十年代,那时的国民经济刚刚步入正轨,国家工业化也是刚刚起步,环境污染问题只在局部地区出现而未引起广泛关注。然而,作为党的第一代领导集体核心,毛泽东敏感地察觉到此时环境保护的重要性,并提出了植树造林、水利建设、控制人口、开垦荒地等有关环境保护的言论。这些言论为中国特色社会主义生态文明建设打下了重要的理论基础,给党的生态文明建设思想积累了宝贵的经验,为我国社会主义现代化建设提供了重要的理论指导。     

论赋予设区市的地方立法权

赋予设区市的地方立法权是城市经济发展、解决社会矛盾、处理地方事务以及发挥法治在地方改革引领作用的必然结果。但在全面赋予设区市地方立法权时如果制度设计不当,可能会带来法治碎片化、立法质量下降、助长地方保护主义以及侵蚀中央立法权的危险,对此要有充分的准备和对策。对设区市地方立法权的赋予可采取稳步推进方式,实现成熟一个赋予一个的渐进性路径,在一定期限内还要对受赋权的地方立法加强备案审查以及定期评估,并科学配置地方立法权限,以确保地方立法质量。     

Iron Houses in the Tropical Heat: Decentralization Reforms in Africa and their Consequences

Abstract

Decentralization reforms introduced to Africa have not always delivered the intended outcomes. Through interaction with the broader historical, political, social and economic context, reforms seem to have engendered political consequences beyond decentralization itself. Most of the literature on decentralization and development emphasizes questions of institutional design and policy, but here we expand the focus of analysis and incorporate the harder-to-pin-down political patterns marking the workings of decentralization in Africa. Through the case-studies of Ghana, Senegal, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Ethiopia and Uganda we seek to connect the debates on development with the scholarly literatures on comparative federalism, comparative decentralization and local democracy. The conclusion that emerges is that no magic formula which can turn countries into peaceful, stable and prosperous democracies overnight exists. And, importing formal institutions without regard to the local historical, political, social and economic context risks leaving us with elegant but dysfunctional iron houses in the tropical heat.     

Advancing Knowledge through Grassroots Experiments: Connecting Culture and Sustainability

Since 2006, hundreds of communities in Canada have produced Integrated Community Sustainability Plans, based on a four-pillar model of sustainability and developed in consultation with residents and stakeholders. These community-based experiments have developed models, knowledge, and insights about the place of culture in local sustainability. Both conceptual thinking and planning practices regarding the role of culture in sustainable communities were at an embryonic stage when these initiatives took place. The discussions, plans, and implementation processes have advanced both theory and “leading edge” practices with regard to culture and community sustainability, illustrating the importance of a robust relationship between research and practice.     

Poverty amid plenty: structural violence and local governance in western Congo

The protracted conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has drawn sharp criticism regarding the model of liberal peacebuilding employed in the country. Critics emphasise the importance of local ownership of peacebuilding mechanisms at sub-national as well as national levels. This raises questions in relation to the popular legitimacy and efficacy of local mechanisms. Drawing on field research conducted in the relatively affluent province of Bas-Congo in Western Congo, this article highlights a lack of popular legitimacy for provincial-level political authority within the province stemming from an acute marginalisation of the population from local structures of power and wealth. The article also demonstrates the inefficacy of more local, village and neighbourhood-based political structures which, aimed at conflict mitigation rather than transformation, ignore the structural roots of local conflicts and do little to counteract the growing social distrust, conflict and disintegration within local communities.