The art and politics of imagination: remembering mass violence against women

ABSTRACT

This paper addresses the role of artistic memory in processes of redressing political violence and historical injustices. Combining philosophical reflection, insights from memory studies and examples of artistic practices, it focuses on how memory and imagination coalesce in problematising mass violence against women and resisting its ‘official’ oblivion. The argument is that artistic memory work can foster collective memories of the painful past in ways that overcome both individual and national representations. To this end, this paper aims to explore various contemporary art productions as new models of memorialization, which deal with the representation of violence against women in armed conflicts and under political repression. The academic literature on the role of art in processes of dealing with the past tends to examine literature, film, theatre, painting and other more traditional artistic media of commemorating the victims of mass violence. In contrast, this paper explores the political potentialities of new artistic models of memorialization, namely participatory and collaborative artistic practices. Unlike the traditional media, they can commemorate victims performatively and collaboratively, simultaneously catalysing transnational solidarity and new forms of politics ‘from below.’     

大众文化视角下社会主义意识形态建设的路径选择

大众文化作为一种社会意识现象,和当代中国社会主义意识形态和价值观念的转型有着深刻的关联。大众文化对社会主义意识形态既有积极影响,又存在着矛盾冲突。而解决其矛盾和冲突,实现社会主义意识形态建设在大众文化中的建设要求也成为当代社会主义意识形态研究的重要课题。     

合成大麻素类新精神活性物质AB-CHMINACA的体内与体外代谢研究

目的 通过UPLC-HRMS检测分析体外人肝微粒体模型中合成大麻素类新精神活性物质AB-CHMINACA的代谢物并与一例真实滥用者的尿液样本进行对比,从而对体外人肝微粒体模型预测体内代谢物的一致性进行评价研究.方法 通过建立体外人肝微粒体孵育模型模拟人体体内代谢过程,尿液样本经简单的乙腈沉淀蛋白后利用高分辨质谱(HRM...     

有毒生物碱阿托品的检验现状

阿托品是一种抗胆碱药,可用于有机磷农药中毒的抢救,但因其本身具有毒性和致幻性,常被滥用并导致中毒甚至死亡,又可被添加至可卡因等毒品中。目前,阿托品的主要检测方法有气相色谱、液相色谱和毛细管电泳,本文综述了这几种方法检测阿托品的现状。     

Campus Crime Beat: The Challenges of Doing Feminist Criminology in the Academy

One of the persistent problems with academic life is that one is encouraged to tell the truth, whether in research, the classroom, or the department meeting. For feminists, graduate school in particular stresses the importance of meticulously documenting girls' and women's lives, which have been rendered invisible by virtually all fields. Although these days the idea of truth is contentious, in the real world in which feminist academics and feminist criminologists in particular work, real problems that women confront (like sexual harassment, discrimination, and workplace violence) continue. Documenting these problems on their own campuses is a particular burden that feminist criminologists as well as others have taken on. It produces genuine challenges in a career that relies heavily on collegiality and civility. This article reflects on the costs of telling it like it is while also considering the long-term benefits, such as they are, of bringing the feminist perspective fully into the field of criminology.     

Kyrgyz “revolutions” in 2005 and 2010: comparative analysis of mass mobilization

This article compares causes and mechanisms of the mass mobilizations which took place in Kyrgyzstan in 2005 and 2010. The upheavals of 2005, the so called “Tulip Revolution,” led to the ousting of President Akaev who was replaced by Kurmanbek Bakiev. In 2010, Bakiev himself had to flee the country after violent social upheavals. As this analysis shows, the causes for both series of events were similar: neopatrimonial rule and the elite's control of resources together with oppressive tactics stirred up discontent among wide parts of the population and instigated violent protest. The mechanisms of mass mobilization, however, differed considerably. While the revolution of 2005 was carried out as the concerted action of varied political forces and NGOs, which, supported by patronage networks and traditional institutions, offered material and solidary incentives for the crowds, the great mass of people who took part in the 2010 protests were spontaneously mobilized through purposive incentives when news of the killings spread through the media.     

Villagers into Comrades: Literacy Education in the Jiangxi Soviet

This article sheds light on the literacy-education mechanism by which the literacy programs of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) were able to mobilize villagers during the Jiangxi Soviet period (1931–1934). Beginning in the late 1920s and continuing throughout the Jiangxi period, the CCP gave substantial attention to literacy education. Based on political documents and published literacy primers, this article explores the CCP's notion of what was possible and desirable with respect to the way the party and villagers would participate in political life. The Jiangxi Soviet conceived of literacy education within the context of military and political struggle against the Nationalists. Literacy education in this period reflected the party's desire to socialize villagers into its revolution, equipping them with a class-centered worldview and transforming them into Communist comrades. Meanwhile, owing to the modernization ideology of literacy formed around the turn of the twentieth century in China, literacy education also served as the legitimating symbol for the soviet government's rule nationwide.     

The price that US minority communities pay: mass incarceration and the ideologies that fuel them

Mass incarceration of minorities has generated alarming attention. This concern is a result of the massive social injustice perpetrated by the ideologies that force mental and physical imprisonment on the poor. The outcome of this social injustice generates punitive inequalities that become entrenched in US social experiences. Once incarcerated, an individual carries a permanent label that brands him/her as an eternal ‘criminal’ and deactivates him/her from mainstream society. This translates into exclusion from responsible educational and occupational participation. Disadvantaged members of minority groups caught in this unforgiving social imprisonment often turn to the underground economy, which, unfortunately, increases the possibility of arrest, or re-arrest. The imprisoning ideology that stereotypes the disadvantaged community, leads to increased incarceration, hypersegregation, social abandonment, and creates a theater for venomous law enforcement practices. The impact of mass incarceration and the ideologies that sustain them on disadvantaged minority communities is the focus of this examination.     

UPLC—MS／MS法测定人血中雪上一枝蒿甲素

目的建立超高效液相色谱-串联质谱（UPLC—MS／MS）法测定人血中雪上一枝蒿甲素含量的方法。方法样品经乙酸乙酯提取后,Ci8柱分离,以0．1％甲酸乙腈-0．1％甲酸水为流动相梯度洗脱,正离子-多反应离子监测模式（ESI＋-MRM）测定雪上一枝蒿甲素,定性定量离子对分别为344．3／58．0、344．3／91．0。结果雪上一枝蒿甲素在3．5～850ug／L-1。范围内与峰面积呈现良好的线性关系（r=-0．9968）,检测限为0．1Iμg／L-1,日内、日间精密度均〈10％,低、中、高三个浓度下准确度（n=5）为97．2％-115．2％,回收率（n=5）为86．6％~89．4％。结论该方法操作简便,结果准确,可作为测定人血中雪上一枝蒿甲素含量的方法。     

Addressing the schizophrenia of global Jihad

This paper deploys Deleuze and Guattari's AntiOedipus to critique discourses on radicalisation that call for a ‘public diplomacy’ to challenge a Jihadi meta-narrative or core identity. It argues that the Global Jihad should be reconceptualised as schizophrenic inasmuch as it is made up of a multiplicity of groups, aims, values, rationales and identities. The paper seeks to develop the utility of Deleuze and Guattari's philosophy for bridging critical and traditional terrorism studies by arguing that their schizoanalysis is a helpful aid to reassessing dominant identitarian conceptual frameworks for Jihad, and offers directions for reformulating our responses to radicalisation.