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221.
"宽严相济"的刑事政策是构建和谐社会大背景下党和国家关于预防、控制和减少犯罪的基本方略。1.必须坚持依法办事,严格履行法律规定的职责任务;2.必须坚持以人为本,切实尊重、维护和保障当事人的合法权益;3.积极推行刑事和解,及时化解民间矛盾纠纷。 相似文献
222.
段颖立 《中国青年政治学院学报》2007,26(5):130-134
政策网络分析是西方国家研究公共管理和公共政策的重要途径。运用这种理论进行分析,中国高校扩招政策具有关系稳定、对成员资格有高度限制、参与者之间相互依赖等特性。这种政策在实施过程中产生了诸如教育财政融资体系不健全、毕业生就业压力增加等问题。需要多元的社会利益群体的参与,以利于配套政策的制定,形成开放、多元的利益诉求整合模式。 相似文献
223.
本文通过内容分析的研究方法,对依据“可获得性”原则搜集到的47所高等学校教师聘任制度样本,从13个方面比较了具体内容的异同,对我国目前各地高校教师聘任制度改革的整体状况进行了统计分析和说明。研究发现,各地高校在政策制定上都与国家相关规定的基本精神保持了高度一致,相互之间不存在显著差异,这些都充分反映了我国高等教育高度行政化、高度集权化的特点。现阶段,我国高校教师聘任制度建设已初步形成体系,并发挥了一定作用,但是仍然存在各个方面的具体问题,需要进一步深化和落实聘任制度改革。 相似文献
224.
Benjamin K. Sovacool 《Policy Sciences》2007,40(2):101-122
The American electric utility industry is entering a moment of transition. Once viewed as a stable and secure consortium of
publicly regulated monopolies that produce and distribute electricity, the industry has weathered market restructuring only
to face the ever-present risk of natural disasters, price fluctuations, terrorist attacks, and blackouts. This paper uses
five criteria—technical feasibility, cost, negative externalities, reliability, and security—to evaluate the broad portfolio
of energy technologies available to American electricity policymakers. Upon close inspection, energy efficiency practices,
renewable energy systems, and small-scale distributed generation technologies appear to offer many advantages over large and
centralized nuclear and fossil fueled generators. Contrary to the mimetic commentary produced by the media, these three approaches
would present policymakers a superior alternative for curbing electricity demand, minimizing the risk of fuel interruptions
and shortages, helping improve the fragile transmission network, and reducing environmental harm 相似文献
225.
传统的政策规划与政策分析研究,很少将注意力放在公共问题的本质及界定上。从上世纪八十年代起,一些美国公共政策研究学者开始将目光转向关注公共问题的界定方式与政策分析各个环节的关系。这种通过公共问题界定来分析政策过程的视角,对理解议程变化、政策变迁、政策评估等方面都具有重要意义。 相似文献
226.
MATTHEW TAYLOR 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(1):21-31
This article tells the story of the Liberal Democrats from the final days of the Liberal/SDP Alliance to the general election of 1992. Drawing on the author's roles as an MP and as chair of the party's communications operations, it examines the factors that contributed to the party's troubled birth in 1988, and gives an insider's view on how the party survived to grow in the years after 1990. Key issues include the branding of the party and the development of its policy of paying for improvements to education through increasing income tax. It also lays stress on the importance of the party's activist base and its central campaigns expertise in not only surviving in local elections, but also in securing key by-election victories. 相似文献
227.
RICHARD S. GRAYSON 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(1):32-39
Liberal Democrat policy has been labelled as social democratic, yet the party has been reluctant to so describe itself. Taking Crosland's The Future of Socialism as a reference point, there appears to be much shared ground between social democracy and Liberal Democrat policy. Meanwhile, the party's tax policy adopted in 2006 takes the Croslandite approach of taxing wealth rather than income. Despite this, the article argues that the party is a social liberal rather than a social democratic one. These two political philosophies have so much in common that it is understandable that some commentators see the influence of social democracy where they might instead perceive social liberalism. Yet the two differ in their attitudes to the state. Both see a positive role for the state in furthering social goods. However, social liberalism shares classical liberal concerns about the dangers of an over-mighty state. This approach underpins Liberal Democrat policy. 相似文献
228.
Andrew L. Oros 《政策研究评论》2007,24(1):29-48
On December 25, 1998 the Japanese government reinterpreted a long‐standing policy prohibiting the use of outer space for military purposes by announcing its intention to develop a network of domestically produced and deployed “information‐gathering” satellites to be utilized primarily by the Japan Defense Agency (JDA) and other national security institutions. This decision is important in its own right—for one, Japan is a major player in the space technology arena—but also because of the precedent it sets for other areas of technology and military policy in Japan today. As many observers have noted, Japan appears to be undergoing a broad reexamination both of its view of the appropriate level of interaction between government bureaucracy and industry and of its military security strategy in the first decade of the twenty‐first century. The case of surveillance satellites links these two areas together, offering broader lessons for the course of Japanese policy in numerous areas in the future. 相似文献
229.
Michael T. Coventry 《政策研究评论》2007,24(2):97-117
Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions. 相似文献
230.
Mark Wickham 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(1):38-51
Despite widespread adoption of Porter's Industrial Cluster Theory as a policy development framework by federal and state governments over the past decade, Australia remains significantly below the OECD average in terms of its industries' economic contributions to real wealth creation ( Brown 2000 ; OECD 1998 ). The major cause cited for this relatively poor performance has been inability of key government officials to implement effective industry policy that simultaneously avoids de facto protectionism and distortion of competition. This article provides an insight into the key policy decisions undertaken by the Tasmanian state government that coincided with development of an internationally successful shipbuilding industry in that state. As such, this article provides a reflection on policy initiatives that may be valuable for government officials elsewhere. 相似文献