证据保管链制度研究

证据保管链制度要求建立自侦查阶段收集证据至审判阶段将证据提交法庭的完整记录体系;除少数例外情形,所有接触证据的人员都必须出庭作证。这一制度对规范侦查、起诉人员收集、运输、保管证据等行为,协助法官和辩护方审查判断证据的真伪,都具有极为重要的意义。我国刑事诉讼法只要求对证据的收集进行记录,而不要求对证据的运输、保管、鉴定等也进行记录,更不要求接触证据的人员出庭作证;这对保障实物证据的证明力极为不利。我国在未来立法时有必要借鉴域外经验,建立系统的证据保管链制度。     

Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time

Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.     

Thailand’s urbanized villagers and political polarization

Thailand currently suffers from high levels of political polarization; parties associated with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra have won every election since 2001, based partly on strong support from voters registered in the populous North and Northeast regions. Many of these voters are migrant workers who spend much of their time working in Greater Bangkok, yet remain legal residents of their home provinces. This article argues that Thailand’s political polarization could be reduced if many of these “urbanized villagers” either took up formal residence in the capital city, or were encouraged to share in the creation of new small-scale urban communities in their places of birth.     

The Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme at the university of South Africa: Is this the right path towards African solutions?

There have been a number of initiatives in Africa to rid the Continent of political instability, conflict, poverty and disease. Many have argued that aid from the West has helped Africa in many ways—from stopping wars, to food relief and rescuing the African environment. Yet others have slated Western involvement which they contend, frequently leaves Africans dependant rather than capable of solving their own problems. In line with the pan-Africanist and the African Union (AU) ideals, there is now a realisation by Africans that there is a need to find African solutions to African challenges and problems. This review article explores the University of South Africa’s (Unisa’s) Management of Democratic Elections in Africa (MDEA) programme, by looking at its objectives and the reason why it must be labelled a Programme, its mandate, which is in line with the brief of the AU and pan-Africanist ideals. The article focuses on how Unisa’s programme responds to the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG); and how it has attempted to facilitate knowledge for peace in Africa, through empowering electoral officials from various African states. The article concludes by looking at the successes and limitations of the Programme over a five-year period, from its inception in 2011.     

From rural rebellions to urban riots: political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda

Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.     

世界大变局与中美日三国战略选择

在世界大变局中,战后国际格局重大变化的主要标志是“世界老二”易位。苏联、日本皆不例外;21世纪以来欧盟也由盛转衰。未来国际格局可能有三种前景:1.中美两极对抗体制;2.中美竞争合作的“两极多元体制”;3.世界各大力量多元并存,构建多元一体的人类命运共同体。这要看世界潮流是走向和平多边主义还是暴力多边主义。中国实现伟大复兴后的战略选择是“济弱扶倾”,为世界可持续发展与可持续安全做贡献。日本面临的战略选择是:继续在《日本国宪法》下走和平发展道路,还是修改宪法,成为“能战国家”的一员,加入暴力强权的多边主义?坚持开放的地区主义与国际协调,还是搞排他经济集团,远交近攻,以中国为竞争对手?利用中美对立从中渔利,还是促进中美协调而避免在中美之间“选边站”?妥善处理中日两国围绕钓鱼岛归属认知争议和台湾问题,还是重走历史老路?囿于冷战思维和传统权力政治的现实主义决策逻辑,同中国搞战略对抗,还是树立共同、综合、合作、可持续安全的新安全观,与中国加强合作?这些战略选择将关乎未来30年的中日关系。     

河北太行山红色文化资源治理整合与旅游开发研究

红色文化资源是中国共产党领导中国人民进行革命、建设、改革所形成的物质财富和精神财富的综合体。河北太行山作为中国共产党的重要革命圣地,拥有丰富的红色文化资源。但在其开发利用过程中存在区域化突出、管理不规范、吸引力不足等方面的问题。因此,河北太行山地区应从制度体系构建、区域间整合、经济效益与社会效益结合等方面着手,进一步挖掘和利用好该地区的红色文化资源。     

有关农村土地承包经营权两个争议问题的比较分析

在"依法治国"及发展市场经济的时代背景下,重新审视承包制下的承包经营权,并进行制度的重新设计,是我国土地制度改革中的一个重要课题.本文以现行人大法工委物权法第二次审议稿为视角,结合历史和现实的考察,对有关农村土地承包经营权的两个争议问题进行了比较分析,得出了两个相关的结论.     

监狱行刑社会化的再思考

监狱行刑的社会化是西方国家存继上百年的一种刑事司法实践,而在中国它却处于刚刚起步阶段并面临着诸多的观念与体制障碍.借鉴西方国家在这一方面所取得的具体成果对于我国在监狱行刑社会化的刑事司法实践具有重要意义.     

高职学生心理健康问题分析及教育对策

目前,高职学生心理健康问题呈现递增趋势,已成为严重阻碍大学生健康成长和顺利完成学业的重要因素.如何塑造学生健康完整的人格,使学生在德育、智育、体育、心育得到全面发展,已成为教育工作者共同关注的问题.文章主要从心理健康的内涵、高职学生心理健康问题的表现特征、高职学生心理健康问题的形成因素进行分析、总结,并针对高职学生心理健康问题的现状,提出几点解决和教育的对策.