农村承包地三权分置制度入典研究

《农村土地承包法修正案》将“三权分置”政策内容上升为法律规定,确立承包地三权分置制度。对解决承包地流转闭锁抵押难行等问题意义重大。却因将承包经营权本集体经济组织内封闭流转以法律固化,新设土地经营权性质不清、类型混合、流转不济,无益承包地债权性与物权性并可市场化开放性流转之“三权分置”目标实现。受其影响,《民法典分编(草案)》亦存同样问题。亟待农村承包地三权分置制度进一步入典完善。在实地调研基础上,遵循《民法总则》落实集体土地所有权前提下,于《民法典分编(草案)》完善中,基于英美地产权客体权益分离理论与大陆法系二次权能分离理论具兼创债权性与物权性经营权功能的地权二次分离理论,在保持土地承包经营权规定不变上,从其客体权益中分离出二元化土地经营权,并分别于合同编增设农地租赁经营合同具体规范债权性经营权、于物权编构造“农用地使用权”科学规范物权性经营权。以利能以债权性经营权顺农地灵活经营实践、物权性经营权应农地抵押及长期经营所需的二元化路径,促现行承包经营权本集体经济组织内封闭流转向派生出的土地经营权市场化开放性流转发展,以实现农村承包地三权分置制度入典达成“三权分置”、“放活土地经营权”之政策目标。     

隐藏在行政解释背后的政策裁量:概念、定位与功能

现有研究承认公共政策介入行政执法和司法职能的事实,但鲜少有研究关注公共政策在法律解释中的功能。“吐槽医院被拘案”为讨论政策裁量在行政解释中的功能角色提供了契机。学理研究显示,行政与政策之间的相似性与现代行政国家的行政效率诉求促使行政机关实施政策裁量。我国的行政解释过程背后蕴涵着复杂的利益纠纷,为政策裁量提供了合适的研究论域。政策裁量的实质是在行政解释过程中进行利益衡量,以便于解决行政解释过程中的各类争端,同时引导行政解释结果适应社会发展方向。政策裁量内容对于行政解释结论具有正反双重影响。     

预告登记权利人“排除异议”的判定——以《异议复议规定》第30条为中心

《异议复议规定》第30条作为预告登记权利人提出案外人异议的审查依据,因其中"排除异议"及"符合物权登记条件"在解释上易生歧义,致实务适用意见不一。依执行理论,除所有权外,何种权利始可排除强制执行,应依实体法之性质、效力及执行目的或方法确定。经预告登记之权利并非实体权利,其性质应为兼具物权性、债权性及从属性的请求权。目前,我国预告登记在强制执行中的效力,立法未臻明确,但结合我国预告登记实体法之"再处分禁止效力"及"不动产登记簿冻结效力",藉由目的解释,应将《物权法》第20条第1款之"处分"进行扩张,使其效力覆盖强制拍卖、变卖等"处分"性执行措施。而案外人据以《异议复议规定》第30条提出异议的,法院不应适用于商品房预售合同备案登记、网签及受让物权预告登记以外的其他预告登记之情形,其"符合物权登记条件"之确认,应参照预告登记转本登记之理论,采实务通说之标准,具化为满足合法有效的商品房买卖合同,已办理预告登记及支付全部价款或依约定支付价款之要件。     

法医精神病鉴定质量控制对策研究

法医精神病鉴定是一种经验型或技能型鉴定类型,大多数鉴定项目只能依靠鉴定人的经验进行判断,质量控制更显重要。遗憾的是,目前该专业并未像其他法医类鉴定那样实行认证认可制度,质量控制手段不多。为有效保障鉴定质量,必须围绕鉴定意见形成过程的各个阶段或环节进行过程控制与监督,重点关注“人、机、料、法、环”等要素。为此,建议在该行业内逐步恢复认证认可制度,完善质量体系建设,运用好各种内外部质量控制方法,严格把关鉴定人准入,实行鉴定人执业分类管理、强化鉴定人执业能力考核,以规范行业鉴定活动,维护行业司法鉴定的公信力。     

Theoretically,yes, but also empirically? How the corruption-turnout link is marginally explained by civic duty to vote

Corruption is generally associated with low electoral participation. A recurrent explanation of the negative correlation between corruption and electoral turnout involves the rational calculus of the costs and benefits of voting. More specifically, in a context of high corruption, citizens do not vote because they think that doing so will hardly affect policy decisions. A number of influential studies has argued that corruption affects citizens' electoral engagement in a different and more fundamental way as well: It erodes their sense of civic duty to vote in elections. Yet, a relation between corruption and civic duty and a mediation effect of the attitude remains empirically untested. This article examines empirically whether perceived corruption and sense of civic duty are correlated, as well as whether civic duty mediates the relation between perceived corruption and turnout. It does so with the pooled Making Electoral Democracy Work data, as these data contain measures on individuals’ sense of civic duty to vote in four election levels, namely, national, regional, European, and municipal elections, as well as on their perception of corruption in each of these government levels, and on their participation in these four election levels as well. I find a weak relation between perceived corruption and civic duty, and a low mediation effect of the attitude (compared with rational factors), irrespective of the election level.     

Beyond Political Binaries: The 2019 General Election and the Dagenham and Rainham Constituency

This article considers the results of the 2019 general election with reference to the Dagenham and Rainham constituency in outer East London. It was a key target for the Conservatives with a 70 per cent leave voting electorate. It did not change hands and might therefore provide insights into the wider debate regarding future coalitions and strategy within the modern left. This article considers these results with reference to arguments about a ‘Brexit realignment’ on the left and whether Labour should rethink the nature of its political ‘base’. It argues for a more nuanced debate than that which currently exists, built around simple binaries organised around Brexit, class, age, education and geography.     

Back to the Future: The Pulling Apart of our Towns and Cities

Growing divisions between Britain’s towns and cities have created a dilemma for the Labour Party in seeking to represent very different parts of the country. There are some who argue that Labour must choose the global networked youth—who largely reside in cities—in order to maximise its electoral chances. This is an argument that defies electoral gravity and fails to address the root causes of the gulf between towns and cities. As jobs and investment have gone into cities, many towns have seen the local population age and local economies become unsustainable. In both towns and cities there is a clamour for power to move closer to home and for the renewal of democratic institutions, offering Labour the chance to win power and end the divisions that have come to characterise British politics.     

论人类共同继承财产理论的新发展——基于“一带一路”倡议的促动

伴随人类科技与文明的高速发展,人类共同继承财产理论中关于资源的所有权归属和实体财富的分配等要素已无法满足现代国际社会的发展需求。“一带一路”倡议在尊重《联合国宪章》的宗旨与和平共处五项原则的前提下,从国际关系的变迁、客体类型的扩大和法律规范的转型三个方面促动了人类共同继承财产理论的深化发展。在此基础上,加强“一带一路”倡议与现行国际法理论的互动研究,以期推动形成一项以人类命运共同体思想为核心的拟议国际法原则。     

民法典编纂对财产犯罪法益保护的影响

在民法之外,重新构建一个仅适用于刑法中财产犯罪法益保护的判断标准,既无必要也不现实。财产犯罪法益保护扩张的主要目的是为了入罪,不论是“利益的法益化”还是“管理的占有化”,都是以保护法益之名行扩张犯罪圈之实。犯罪圈的不当扩张,不仅会有损整体法秩序,还会弱化乃至消解法益甄别法与不法的机能。部门法之间的紧张关系在任何法律体系下都是无可避免的,民法典编纂为解决“刑民倒挂”问题以及增加法秩序统一性原理在刑民之间的衔接度提供了重要契机。为此,应重新梳理刑民之间围绕财产、占有、管理等方面的争议问题,将民法所确定的财产法益内容作为财产犯罪法益保护的基本依据,并允许刑法根据财产犯罪的特点对法益保护范围作出适当调整。这样做的目的不是通过民法给刑法套上枷锁,而是在遵循法秩序统一性原理的基础上达成应有的刑民共识。     

认罪认罚案件量刑建议问题研究

在认罪认罚案件中,检察机关提出的幅度型或精准型量刑建议都是控辩双方合意的产物,也是审判人员最终作出量刑判决的重要依据,审判人员“一般应当采纳”。但对于检察机关提出精准的量刑建议是否存在理论上的正当性以及实务上的可操作性,理论界和实务界仍存在不同意见,实践中也存在部分审判人员“不愿接受”或“勉强接受”精准量刑建议的情况,影响着认罪认罚从宽制度总体功能的发挥。为解决此问题,有必要从理论上明确检察机关量刑建议权以及法院审判权的性质及关系,使审判人员内心“愿意”采纳精准的量刑建议;在实际操作层面需要加强精准量刑建议本身的合理性和合意性,使审判人员经过审理后,“能够”采纳精准的量刑建议。此外,根据具体情况,还需要明确精准量刑建议的变更和补救问题,促进量刑公正。