On the Nature of Tolerance: Dichotomous or Continuous?*

The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.     

剥夺政治权利执行难问题探讨

在社区矫正工作中,剥夺政治权利执行难问题反映突出.本文主要从社区矫正制度和剥夺政治权利这一刑罚制度两方面检视剥夺政治权利执行难的原因,同时就剥夺政治权利执行难问题的解决提出了一些建议.     

Recent Developments to British Multicultural Theory,Policy and Practice: The Case of British Muslims

Since the early 1970s, there have been highly sophisticated arguments and conceptual discussions put forward in relation to how Western liberal democracies might wish to manage their diverse ethnic minority populations. It is apparent, however, that in the current climate, the important principles of unity and diversity are insufficient to challenge differing forms of ethnic, racial, and religious inequality. This paper argues that because of its underlying assumptions and modus operandi in the post-September 11 climate, British multiculturalism has been ineffective, even supporting some commentators' suggestions of a return to assimilationism. There is a new era in post-September 11 political hegemony, economic determinism and structural and cultural racisms, with European government rhetoric and public policy almost exclusively aimed at Muslims—whether as existing citizens or as part of a process of limiting immigration (which has tended to be from mainly Eastern European, North African, and Middle Eastern sending regions and nations). The example of New Labour and how it has attempted to deal with multiculturalism in Britain is a case in point. The discussion explores the changing concept of multiculturalism with special reference to British Muslims and debates that emerge in relation to identity, nation and civil society. It is argued that the experience and treatment of British Muslims is important to explore and appreciate in the current climate as it provides a test case for the future of (a) British multiculturalism and (b) British Muslims in society per se.     

新时期企业思想政治工作刍论——以城市商业银行为例

城市商业银行加强和优化党的思想政治工作,充分发挥党的思想政治工作的优势,服务于企业,服务 于群众,对打造一支高素质的职工队伍和能够适应市场经济发展的高效企业,具有重要的现实意义.     

中共八大对社会主义体制改革的探索

中共八大从政治体制和经济体制两方面对我国社会主义体制改革进行了探索,文章认为这些有益的探索初步指明了社会主义体制改革的方向,是中国共产党探索中国特色社会主义建设道路的伟大起点。     

论政党法治建设的价值意义

政党法治包含民主与法制、权利与义务等丰富的制度意蕴 ;融汇法律至上、权力制约、依法执政等诸多的价值取向 ;涉及政党法治的主体、客体、目标、原则、依据、形态及其与法治国家的关系等若干内容 ;涵盖全部政党生活的各个方面 ;贯穿政党自身事务管理和领导·执政整个政党行为全过程。加强政党法治建设是发展政党民主的需要 ;是增强执政合法性的需要 ;是推进依法治国的需要 ;是坚持依法执政的需要。     

中国语境中学生权利救济机制的构建

基于高等学校与学生关系的法律性质以及大学自治与司法审查的关系,高校管理关系包括招生管理、学籍管理、校内公共设施管理和校园秩序和安全管理所形成的关系。在中国语境下的大学自治制度框架内,应当建构以司法权为核心的学生个体权利救济机制。     

试析中国政治体制改革的任务、经验及目标模式

中国现行政体是作为现代民主政体两种基本类型之一的人民民主政体.中国政治体制改革的基本任务是发展、完善现行人民民主政体,而非将其彻底否定,以自由民主政体取而代之.中国政治体制改革的一个成功经验,就是社会主义国家政治体制改革必须遵循坚持、发展、完善人民民主政体的原则.中国政治体制的目标模式应当是一种新型的人民民主政体,即以"坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一"为基本特征的新型人民民主政体.     

网络公民社会的成长及其对社会政治稳定的影响

作为公民社会在互联网时代发展的产物,网络公民社会的产生与成长是多方面因素共同作用的结果。目前我国的网络公民社会已由自在阶段过渡到自觉构建的自为阶段,社会影响力愈来愈大,对当前我国的政治安全与社会稳定带来了积极和消极两方面的影响。研究网络公民社会的成长历程,把握其发展趋势,深入分析其影响以便引导其与社会主义相适应,对于维护转型期的社会政治稳定具有深远的理论与现实意义。