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241.
加强政治忠诚教育 强化政治纪律认同 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
董立人 《中国井冈山干部学院学报》2014,(2):98-103
党的政治纪律是指在不同历史时期,根据不同政治任务的要求,党对各级党组织和党员干部在政治方向、政治立场、政治言论、政治行为方面所作出的基本要求。严明党的政治纪律是我党建党90多年以来的重要工作经验总结和优良传统。加强党的政治纪律建设是维护党的团结统一的内在要求,加强党的政治纪律建设有利于加速实现"中国梦"步伐。强化政治纪律认同,就必须要强化对马克思主义信仰的忠诚教育,强化对共产主义理想信念的忠诚教育和强化对中国特色社会主义道路信心的忠诚教育。 相似文献
242.
冯晓阳 《河北青年管理干部学院学报》2007,(4):73-75
农民工阶层的政治参与是我国民主政治建设的重要内容,但却面临着农民工参与意识薄弱、缺乏相关的组织保障和制度保障等诸多实际问题。提高农民工的素质并完善相关制度,对于社会主义民主政治建设,特别是社会主义和谐社会的构建具有重要意义。 相似文献
243.
21世纪,随着经济的发展,文化的全球化、网络化相伴突出。西方意识形态通过文化传播对青年产生了不可忽视的影响,甚至动摇了部分大学生对共产主义理想的信仰;另外高校思想政治教育的实效性较难得到全面发挥,从而影响了大学生主流意识形态的提升与巩固。鉴于大众文化对青年学生理想信念产生的严重影响,高校学生思想政治教育需要作出新的思考。 相似文献
244.
网络媒体对我国青年思想政治工作的影响及对策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
金庆昕 《中国青年政治学院学报》2007,26(2):27-31
网络媒体对我国青年思想政治工作既有积极影响,也有消极影响。教育工作得要以开放的心态迎接网络媒体的挑战,国家要加速互联网络体系建设,对网络媒体进行依法管理和技术管制,并加强对青年的人文关怀。 相似文献
245.
246.
TIMOTHY HEPPELL 《The Political quarterly》2007,78(3):382-391
Interpretations on the party political leadership of John Major are dominated by perceptions of weakness and ineffectiveness. This article examines his party political leadership by considering the relationship between, first, his political ambitions, and, second, his style of political leadership. When evaluating the political ambitions of Major, the article will demonstrate that he was ideologically agnostic and a political pragmatist. When examining his party political leadership style, the article will demonstrate, via an examination of his management of the European policy divide and his Cabinet management, that he was politically indecisive and an avoider of political confrontation. The article concludes, however, that perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness should be contextualised due to the following two factors: first, the constraints of inheriting an ideologically divided parliamentary Conservative party; and, second, the contrasting circumstances that ensured that his predecessor and successor appeared strong and effective, which have magnified perceptions of his weakness and ineffectiveness. 相似文献
247.
Francesco Amoretti 《政策研究评论》2007,24(4):331-344
New technologies provide new channels of access to political information and participation in decision‐making processes. This assumption is clearly important in the action plans and policies of International Organizations (World Bank, Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development, United Nations), which have assumed a leadership role in the reform of political institutions. Starting from an analysis of the reasons that have brought the state and processes of institution building back into focus, this paper will reconstruct the International Organizations' vision of the transformative potential of new information technologies and their activity in this field. Particular attention will be devoted to e‐democracy and e‐government as policies to build democracy in developing countries. 相似文献
248.
Robert A. Kagan 《Regulation & Governance》2007,1(2):99-120
Intensified global economic competition, economic liberalization, and the rise of EU governance have led some observers to argue that there has been a trend toward the “Americanization” of the European “way of law.” This article addresses that contention, focusing on legal change in European member states. It first describes ways in which the American legal tradition has differed most sharply from the national legal systems of Western Europe (including Great Britain) and the political and economic factors that account for this “American legal distinctiveness.” Similar political and economic factors currently are at work in Europe, the article acknowledges, creating incentives for legal convergence. But it also argues that European legal culture and the political organization of European national states generate path‐dependent forces that impede European movement toward American ways of law, and it discusses six important differences between European and American law that remain entrenched and are unlikely to disappear. 相似文献
249.
Geoffrey Lindell 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2007,66(3):307-328
This article contains a critical discussion of Combet v The Commonwealth (2005) and the reasons given by the High Court in that case, for dismissing the legal challenge to the present government's political advertising campaign in support of its Workchoice legislation which was conducted before the publication or enactment of that legislation. It also deals with the implications of the case for the declining significance in modern times of the parliamentary appropriation process as a means of ensuring the accountability of governments for the expenditure of taxpayers' funds. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibility of future parliaments (regardless of their political complexion) reasserting their control over the appropriation process and restricting the use of government advertising for political purposes. 相似文献
250.
Zoe Scott 《公共行政管理与发展》2007,27(1):85-90
In 2001 the UK Government's Department for International Development (DFID) launched a new way of conducting political economy analysis, called ‘Drivers of Change’ (DoC). DoC is now well known amongst international development practitioners and professionals. This article provides an introduction to DoC, explaining what it is, where DoC analysis has taken place and which organisations have been involved. It also explores the history and background to DoC, outlines its effect on other bi and multi‐lateral donors and shows how the approach has evolved over the last 5 years. The final section of the article analyses some of the current limitations in the way DoC analysis is used by DFID and predicts how the approach may develop in the future. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献