进城农民工基本话语权的获得

要解决农民工社会参与的话语权问题,应该重视这些问题:其一,加速提高进城农民工的受教育程度问题;建立健全农民工权益表达的合理程序与渠道问题;舆论应该为农民工的权益表达创造良好氛围问题.这是农民工获得基本话语权的基础工程.     

论商法中的经理权

商法中的经理权主要存在两方面的功能,一是明确了经理人对企业的管理权,强化了企业的管理能力和竞争能力的功能,二是安全功能.我国<公司法>中规定的经理职权并不是商法意义上的经理权,在我国公司法中真正与经理权制度相似的制度,是法定代表人制度,但它不是一种典型的商事法律制度.与商法中的经理人(强调其对内的管理权和对外的缔约权,其追求的目标是满足商事企业在经营过程中的效率与安全)也不相适应.因此,设计一个全面清晰的商事经理权制度对于解决我国当前面临的企业改制的难题以及对我国现代企业制度的完善具有非常重要的意义.     

论通过宪法诉讼的权力制约路径

中国传统的权力制约机制因其不具有一种常规性的政治纠错功能而存在天然缺陷,宪法诉讼从表面上看虽然身处"反民主之困境",但基于二元民主理论、基本人权的价值取向及其所具有的权力动态平衡功能,是一条具有政治正当性的权力制约路径.     

对刑事侦查的司法审查之探究

对刑事侦查行为进行必要的司法审查是平衡诉讼格局、对侦查活动进行有效监督、合理分配侦查实施权和侦查监督权以及保障犯罪嫌疑人合法权利的必然要求.司法审查应由法院来实施,法院有权对侦查主体是否适格、证据是否合法、程序是否正当等进行审查.文章认为,实施对侦查活动的司法审查还有赖于对司法权力的合理配置、对检察机关职权和地位的再认识以及对法院体制和法官任用管理体制的改革,才能发挥出应有的效果.     

有限责任视野下公司内部人控制的合理性分析

内部人控制是现代公司制企业中普遍存在的现象,运用股东有限责任制度、公司独立人格制度和权利义务对等原理对内部人控制存在的原因进行分析发现,就公司权力配置的应然状态而言,内部人控制有其存在的制度空间、组织基础和法理依据,其作为经营管理层面上的控制权,存在于股东有限责任制度所构建的权利和利益平衡体系之中.     

周礼是怎样形成的

周礼是在继承殷礼的基础上,在周初政治、经济以及文化条件制约之下,在平衡各种政治势力的权力和利益的基础上诞生.采用韦伯的立场、观点和方法进行相关分析.     

Terrorist events,emotional reactions,and political participation: the 2015 Paris attacks

The impact of terrorist events on attitude formation and change among mass publics has been well established in political research. Still, no individual-level study has examined the impact of terrorist attacks on political participation. This article aims to fill that gap. Drawing on theories of affect, it is predicted that fear stemming from a terrorist attack will increase motivation to seek out political information, yet will have a negative effect on actual participation. On the contrary, anger will hinder information seeking but will boost the intention to participate in political rallies. These hypotheses are tested using data from a two-wave panel study that collected one wave before and a second wave after the January 2015 Paris attacks, and from one cross-sectional study carried out soon after the November 2015 attacks.     

Risk,politics, and development: Lessons from the UK's democracy aid

Political risks are inescapable in development. Donors keep them in check with a range of tools, but existing options provide little guidance about how political forms of risk can—or should—shape programme design. This paper presents a novel framework that offers practical guidance on how to think about and manage some of these risks. This is based on a review of programmes delivered by the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, which provides a specific type of aid: democracy assistance. Political forms of risk have a strong influence on that aid, so it provides a valuable example. Our framework centres on two trade‐offs inherent in the provision of aid for democracy support. The first relates to the type of approach employed in a programme; should it focus on a thematic issue or a specific event, or should it focus primarily on an institution and its processes? The second concerns the scope of a programme in terms of who it includes. Understanding the costs and benefits of these trade‐offs will help development practitioners to make decisions about political risks in a more rigorous and transparent way and, potentially, to shift from a culture of risk aversion, to one of informed risk‐taking.     

Just sick of it? Health and political trust in Western Europe

This article explores two theoretical possibilities for why personal health may affect political trust: the psychological‐democratic contract theory, and the role of personal experience in opinion formation. It argues that citizens with health impairments are more likely to experience the direct effects of political decisions as they are more dependent on public health services. Negative subjective evaluations of public services can lower trust levels, especially if people's expectations are high. Using European Social Survey data, the association between health and trust in 19 Western European states is analysed. The results indicate that people in poor health exhibit lower levels of trust towards the political system than people in good health. The differences in trust between those in good and poor health are accentuated among citizens with left‐leaning ideological values. The results suggest that welfare issues may constitute a rare context in which personal, rather than collective, experiences affect opinion formation.     

How mass media attract political elites’ attention

Political agenda‐setting research has shown that policy makers are responsive vis‐à‐vis media priorities. However, the mechanisms behind this effect have remained understudied so far. In particular, agenda‐setting scholars have difficulties determining to what extent politicians react to media coverage purely because of the information it contains (information effect), and to what extent the effect is driven not by what the media say but by the fact that certain information is in the media (media channel effect), which is valued for its own sake – for instance, because media coverage is considered to be a reflection of public opinion. By means of a survey‐embedded experiment with Belgian, Canadian and Israeli political elites (N = 410), this study tests whether the mere fact that an issue is covered by the news media causes politicians to pay attention to this issue. It shows that a piece of information gets more attention from politicians when it comes via the media rather than an identical piece of information coming via a personal e‐mail. This effect occurs largely across the board: it is not dependent on individual politician characteristics.