Political Parties and Grassroots Clientelist Strategies in Urban Turkey: One Neighbourhood at a Time

Both principal Turkish political parties make extensive use of patron–client networks, but in very different ways. The CHP relies on competing local brokers and synchronous vote buying. The AKP is at the centre of a network of public and private funding turning social policy to clientelist ends. Socially anchored AKP activists link the party to voters, allowing it to target social assistance for political advantage and take credit for improvement in local conditions. The case presented in this paper provides a natural experiment suggesting that this distinction is an important explanation for the AKP’s electoral success in low-income urban areas.     

Development as recolonization: the political ecology of the Endosulphan disaster in Kasargod,India

This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.     

From rural rebellions to urban riots: political competition and changing patterns of violent political revolt in Uganda

Violent political revolt has been common in independent Uganda. For a long time, such revolts were exclusively expressed as rural-based rebel groups fighting the government. Since the mid-2000s, however, this seems to have come to an end. Instead, urban riots, very rare in the past, have become much more common. This article analyses these changing patterns of types and location of violent political revolt in Uganda under the National Resistance Movement government. It argues that the earlier prevalence of rural rebellions can be explained by the combination of a coercive and militarised state, and weak and ethnically factionalised political forces who took their violent resistance to rural regional bases. Over time, however, government counter-insurgency became more effective and the conditions for insurgency were undermined by withdrawal of external support. Furthermore, the reintroduction of multi-party politics in 2005 opened up new avenues for political expression. The changes to the political system were, however, more nominal than real in many respects. While the rebel option had become less attractive and feasible, a series of social, economic and political grievances remained which were only partly channelled through party politics. They also found expression through sporadic urban violent revolt.     

口蹄疫病毒O型和A型交互反应性单克隆抗体的筛选与鉴定

不同血清型口蹄疫病毒(FMDV)之间不能产生交叉免疫保护,但是血清学的交叉反应确实存在。本研究旨在建立一种筛选型间交互反应性抗体的方法,以期为解析FMDV血清型间保守的抗原结构奠定基础。本方法主要依据单个B细胞抗体技术,首先采用两种不同的荧光染料FluoProbes 647H和Pacific Blue分别标记O型与A型FMDV 146S灭活抗原,然后利用流式细胞分选技术,从免疫牛外周血单个核细胞(PBMCs)中分选出结合两种抗原的特异性B细胞,通过单个B细胞抗体基因测定,获得Ig G抗体重链与轻链可变区编码序列,并将可变区基因插入含有牛IgG抗体恒定区的pcDNA3.4载体中,构建IgG抗体的重链与轻链表达质粒。将重链与轻链表达质粒共转染中国仓鼠卵巢悬浮细胞(CHO-S)进行完整抗体表达。结果显示,通过该方法获得了5株FMDV特异性单克隆抗体,其中4株(H64、R82、I16、R29)经间接免疫荧光(IFA)检测都可特异性识别O和A型FMDV;ELISA结果显示,H64、R82、I16与O、A型抗原均具有较好的亲合力;Western-blot结果显示,I16可特异性结合O、A型FMDV结构蛋白VP2中的线性表位,说明在衣壳蛋白VP2上存在血清型间保守的抗原表位,通过本研究进一步加深了对FMDV抗原结构的认识。     

关于东北亚国际航运中心竞争策略

研究国际航运中心的发展历史,从中发现它的发展变化规律,对于我们正确认识现代国际航运中心的本质特征有着十分重要的意义。目前青岛、天津、大连在认定国际航运中心竞争对手问题上就需要调整思路,从长期考虑,在竞争中如何处理这三个大港,以及各自临近较小港口的发展关系问题。根据国际经验,港口联盟是一个很好的合作途径。为应对船舶大型化及航运公司的全球联盟,并避免港口之间对同一腹地的过度竞争而导致设施过剩,世界上许多港口都实行了战略联盟、兼并等多种合作。     

挑战民事主体二元结构的帝王之位

民事主体制度的历史演变在形式上主要经历了由家族到个人再到自然人与法人并存的发展过程.随着社会的发展变化,出现了许多新的市场主体.民事主体的传统判断标准也受到新标准的冲击.民事主体二元结构将面临前所未有的挑战.包括合伙在内的第三类民事主体的形成与发展适应了现实生活的需要,民法典应赋予其民事主体地位.     

成汉政权及其族属

成汉政权是由南方的少数民族贝宗人所建,李氏宗族是成汉政权历代统治者的主体为期共45年,其势力范围除西南地区外还达到了西北的甘肃境内。与两晋之际出现的众多地方政权相比较,成汉政权和它们都同属于割据性质的地方政权,但却有着自己的诸多的特点:建立政权的时间最早;南部唯一的地方政权;实行武装割据,但并未断绝与中央王朝的关系;关注社会稳定;大规模移民。     

实体经济发展中产业工人思想政治引领的实践路径探索——基于全国12家企业、6所职业院校的调查

目前我国经济已经进入高质量发展阶段,需要建设现代化经济体系、振兴实体经济,而产业工人队伍是振兴实体经济,支撑中国制造、中国创造的重要基础.本研究基于12家企业以及6所职业院校的调研情况,发现当前产业工人在思想上存在职业自豪感不强、主人翁意识淡薄、学技能动力不足、建功新时代着力点不清等问题.这些问题产生的原因主要是产业工...     

俄罗斯联邦国务委员会的起源、发展及作用——基于国家权力结构变迁视角

叶利钦执政早期,国务委员会充分发挥了协调整合行政权力的功能,使俄国家权力结构避免了宪制改革后的严重混乱失衡.1993年《俄罗斯联邦宪法》颁布后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构趋于多元化,国务委员会既无法解决中央层面的总统与立法机关的结构矛盾,又无法解决源自地方分裂主义的"央地"权力结构松散,因而归于沉寂.2000年普京开始执政后重设国务委员会.尤其在2004年"别斯兰事件"发生后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构再度集中,系统性压力激增,国务委员会的作用不断被强化,国务委员会的事务性工作人员得到扩充,工作机制和议事规则得到进一步规范.2008—2012年,国务委员会成为紧密联系"央地"的关键纽带,在一定程度上,维系了国家政治局势的稳定发展.2012年,在普京第三任期,其成功地协调了因"统一俄罗斯"党崛起而引起的联邦中央权力结构张力,缓解了央地行政层面的权力结构矛盾.2020年修宪后,国务委员会的作用向协助总统整合"全联邦"国家权力的方向转变.同时,"国务委员会"获得宪法地位,成为宪法性权力机关.     

省直管县改革背景下市县横向分治与合作机制之构建

省直管县改革是为适应经济社会快速发展而进行的行政层级调整,对于破除市管县体制藩篱、激活和增强县域经济发展活力、提高行政效率具有重大意义.实践中,市县科层结构"交错纠缠"、省级政府管理幅度偏大、市县资源依赖关系受到冲击等问题一定程度上影响了省直管县改革的推进,导致改革的政策红利未能充分释放.应从增加省直管县试点数量、推动...