和谐文化视野中高校思想政治教育的发展研究(下)

高校作为人才、知识和文化聚集的高地,担负着培养建设中国特色社会主义事业合格建设者和可靠接班人的重任。而思想政治教育在培养和提高人的素质方面起着不可替代的重要作用,且高校思想政治教育必然要随着社会的发展而发展。从和谐文化视野分析高校思想政治教育现状,从内容、方法、载体、环境、管理和教育者等六个主要方面探讨高校思想政治教育的发展。对于推进高校思想政治教育创新、加强和谐文化建设具有重要的理论意义和现实意义。     

当前中国私营企业主政治参与现状分析

目前,中国的私营企业主已经逐步发展成为中国新社会阶层中的重要力量。随着经济实力的增强和国内政治民主的大力推进,私营企业主的政治参与呈现逐渐扩大的趋势,但其中也存在一些问题。我们必须采取有效措施使私营企业主的政治参与朝着有序化、制度化、法制化的健康方向发展,使其有利于我国民主政治建设的顺利进行。     

“差序格局”给公务员带来的责任困境分析

"差序格局"给公务员带来了责任困境。在工作场景中,"团体格局"与"差序格局"的并存造成了公务员责任界线的模糊;在社会场景中,社会结构的转型使公务员面临着两难选择。要走出困境,就要摒弃"自我主义",构建理性官僚制组织并培育健康的社会文化。     

我国当代社会阶层成因探析

改革开放以来,我国实现了计划经济向市场经济的转化,社会经济、政治以及文化结构发生了深刻地变化,我国社会阶层结构也出现了变革,产生了一些新的社会阶层。研究我国当代新的社会阶层形成的原因,对于正确认识当前的社会阶层结构变革,认识新的社会阶层具有现实意义。     

“第三次国共合作”解读

现在有不少人希望能够通过“第三次国共合作”实现祖国和平统一,这种可能性是否存在？本文从国民党对“国共合作”的历史记忆、台湾现行的政治体制、国民党的政治转型、民进党以及台湾社会对国民党的看法、共产党的态度等五个方面进行分析,得出结论：通过“第三次国共合作”实现祖国统一的可能性已经不存在,但以两岸关系和平发展为目标的国共合作则是可行的。     

妇女在村委会选举中的竞选策略研究——以湖北省随州市为个案

2008年中国2/3的省将开展新一轮的村委会选举,农村妇女能否顺利进入村庄权力结构,需要公共政策的支持,同时妇女参与村委会选举的竞选策略也非常重要.本文以湖北随州市选举调研为基础,阐述了在农村初级政治市场形成的背景下,妇女在村委会竞选中运用营销策略的正当性和必要性以及存在的认识误区;并以案例分析的形式,探讨了妇女在村委会选举中的竞选策略,为妇女参与即将到来的下一届村委会换届选举竞选提供帮助.     

西方马克思主义政治文化理论探析

从历时态上看,西方马克思主义政治文化理论分为早期、中生代、后现代三个发展阶段,每个阶段都表现出了鲜明的理论特征,并且各个阶段之间又呈现出了逻辑上的“贯通”与“断裂”。从共时态上看,西方马克思主义政治文化理论主要包括哲学、政治学、社会学、文化学四种学理向度,深入研究该理论对构建中国化马克思主义政治文化理论具有重要启发意义。     

海峡两岸深入开展旅游合作的政治经济意义及建议

海峡两岸同文同脉同根,海峡两岸本是一家人。海峡两岸深入开展旅游合作不仅有利于促进两岸人民的交流与合作,增进两岸人民彼此的互信与了解,旱日实现祖国和平统一,还是促进台湾经济发展和惠及台湾人民的战略举措。因此,海峡两岸深入开展旅游合作是在海峡两岸架起友谊的桥梁,有利于发展两岸关系,推进祖国统一大业的早日完成。     

Changing South Korean Water Policy after Political and Economic Liberalisation

This study explores the way in which South Korean water policy has been dynamically (re-)constructed by continuing political contestations among diverse social forces acting in and through the state in the face of political and economic liberalisation. The path-dependency of the state-driven water resource policy under the former authoritarian regime did not disappear even after the democratisation. It was difficult to transform the old authoritarian and hierarchical water governance to the newly democratic and environmentally friendly one because the Ministry of Construction, as a main actor in driving water policy under the authoritarian regimes, did not give up its interest in a dam-based policy orientation, although it did partially accept institutional tools for democratic policy making, such as public hearings and the participation of civil society in the process of establishing the water policy plan. It also showed democratic and environment-friendly gestures using the rhetoric of environmentalism and localisation. Overall, this article emphasises the importance of the path-dependency of the past authoritarian regimes under democratised society to better understand the current democratic regime’s policy orientation.     

Elite interests and political participation in Botswana, 1966–2014

ABSTRACT

Botswana’s tiny economy is overwhelmingly government-driven and political participation, particularly on the side of the ruling party, is critical for one’s economic survival and prosperity. This has led to enduring intrigue and conflict among the country’s political power elite. Opposition party activists traditionally have embraced leftist policies and claimed to be representing the country’s poor and downtrodden while castigating the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (in power since 1966) of being pro-rich and politically connected business. Ironically, some members of the opposition elite also engage in business ventures with their ruling party counterparts. The scramble for economic opportunities has fuelled debilitating factionalism within both the ruling and opposition parties over the years. In some instances tribalism was mobilised in intra- and inter-party elections for positions of influence even though voters are more interested in service delivery than traditional ethnic issues. Our paper considers the question: ‘Whose interests do Botswana’s politicians represent?’