Political Decentralization and Technological Innovation: Testing the Innovative Advantages of Decentralized States

Are politically decentralized states better at fostering long‐run technological innovation than centralized states? Societies with decentralized governments are widely seen as agile, competitive, and well structured to adapt to innovation's gale of creative destruction. Meanwhile, centralized states, even when democratic, have come to be viewed as rigid and thus hostile to the risks, costs, and change associated with new technology, or prone to cling too long to foolhardy or outdated technological projects. Therefore government decentralization is often perceived as a necessary institutional foundation for encouraging long‐run technological innovation. However, in this article, I analyze data on international patent activity, scientific publications, and high‐technology exports, and show that there exists little evidence for an aggregate relationship between government structure and technological innovation.     

Two political worlds?: The influence of provincial party loyalty federal voting in Canada

Scholars have known for years that many Canadian voters hold different partisan loyalties at the federal and provincial level. In this paper, I address the question of whether provincial party loyalty has an effect on federal level vote choice above and beyond the effects of federal level party loyalty. I also examine whether provincial party loyalty is enough to explain the persistence of the ‘two-party-plus’ system in Canada. In order to address these questions I construct a series of multinomial logit models of federal vote choice in the 1993 and 2000 Canadian elections. I conclude that provincial party loyalty does have an effect on federal level vote choice, but that this influence is not enough to explain the persistence of the ‘two-party-plus’ system.     

Compromising coalitions and duplicitous diplomacy: US support for Tajikistan after 9/11 and its security implications

This article investigates the development of democracy in Tajikistan and analyzes what has earned it the most international acclaim: its secular-Islamic governing coalition. The investigation reveals a compromised and illegitimate coalition that, with American collusion in local regime repression, poses great dangers to international security. The article argues that government repression, leading to increasing radicalization, combines with foreign aid to damage long-term democracy potential in Tajikistan but also works against global security interests by creating doubt about American intentions and possibly allowing a concomitant rise in Islamic radicalism.     

Genro Rule in China and Japan: A Comparative Perspective

For a time in both Japan (roughly 1890–1915) and much more briefly in China (about 1987–1992), major political decisions were made by cohesive groups of retired elders of the founding generation. Necessary if not sufficient conditions for rule by elders include a closed system, with the elite not held responsible to a wider public; and a constitutional or practical vagueness about the locus of final political authority. The more general pattern in such systems is personal dictatorship, with rule by elders as an alternative when cultural or political conditions stand in the way of one-man rule. This essay explores the pattern, conditions, and characteristics of rule by elders in China and Japan as genro rule serves as an alternative to one-man rule in generational transitions in political regimes with a relatively cohesive ruling group and a weak institutional structure. Peter R. Moody, Jr. is professor of political science at the University of Notre Dame and he specializes in the study of Chinese politics. His more recent books include Tradition and Modernization in China and Japan, Political Change in Taiwan, and Political Opposition in Post-Confucian Society. He is editor of China Documents Annual and book review editor for the Review of Politics. He has written on Chinese politics, Asian international affairs, Chinese political thought, international relations theory, and theory of political parties.     

浅论中国驰名商标的认定和保护

驰名商标是知识产权领域保护的重要对象，随着中国加入WTO后市场经济改革的进一步深化和与世界经济体系的关联性进一步加强，驰名商标的认定和保护对于保障中国商事安全和促进商事繁荣的重要性勿庸置疑。中国在驰名商标方面的立法比较完善，但在对其认定和保护的实践方面还有不少需要探讨和厘清之处，该文从分析驰名商标的概念入手，对驰名商标的认定和保护相关问题进行了探讨。     

运用分子生物学方法鉴定生物检材种属的研究进展

生物检材的种属鉴定在法医、海关和食品行业中均有较多应用。当前,用于鉴定种属的分子生物学方法发展迅猛。本文结合文献,从用于种属鉴定的目的基因及筛选标准、主要分子生物学方法、鉴定存在的主要问题等方面进行综述,并结合Real-time PCR和SNP技术对未来种属鉴定的发展方向进行了预测。     

治民·治政·治党--中国政治发展战略解析

中国经济发展的成就举世瞩目,但政治发展却鲜为世人所乐道。这一方面是因为政治改革还在探索之中,政治发展思路还需要有一个逐步清晰和明确的过程;另一方面也是因为对于政治发展的理解和评价历来有所不同。在一般的政治研究中,建立在西方经验模式的基础上,民主化被认为是判断政治发展的主要标准。本文认为,仅仅用“民主”指标来衡量中国政治发展有失公允,而“治理”理论却可能为解释中国政治发展提供一种新的视角;在“治理”概念下,“治民”、“治政”和“治党”可以用来说明一种日渐清晰的中国政治发展战略思路。     

Decentralization, Subsidiarity, Rodney King and State Deification: A Libertarian Analysis

This paper posits that the government is indistinguishable from a robber gang except for the fact that it enjoys exceedingly good public relations (supplied to it, symbiotically, by the intellectual classes) and thus legitimacy. The paper attempts to see beyond this superficiality, and thus to interpret cases in which the state and an ordinary criminal interact not in this manner, but rather as the interaction of two criminal organizations.     

9个犬STR基因座在犬类鉴定中的应用

目的建立犬的复合扩增体系对犬进行个体识别和亲权鉴定。方法用建立的犬复合扩增体系进行PCR反应,用ABI310型遗传分析仪对扩增产物进行检测。结果鉴定结果表明,9个犬STR基因座复合扩增体系,各个基因座扩增平衡,结果稳定。结论9个犬STR基因座复合扩增体系可以进行犬的个体识别和亲权鉴定。     

患方拒绝鉴定可能承担败诉后果

在医疗纠纷民事诉讼中,医疗机构提出进行医疗事故技术鉴定或法医学鉴定的申请,是一种履行举证责任的行为。然而,举证责任是可以转换的,它既可能从原告方转换到被告方,也可能从被告方转换到原告方。如果患者一方不配合鉴定或者拒绝鉴定,导致医疗责任不能认定,举证责任就从医方转换到患方,可能带来对患方不利的诉讼后果。因此,在医疗纠纷诉讼中,双方当事人要善于利用举证责任转换的概念,在法律规定的范围内,更好地维护自己的合法权益。