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151.
邹瑞琼 《北京市工会干部学院学报》2012,(2):27-30
集体合同制度施行以来,虽在全国范围内得到广泛的发展并日趋完善,但同时也存在一些问题,其中最突出的是形式主义、走过场的现象,个中原因是多方面的,但主要原因在于集体协商一方主体-----职工主体缺位。 相似文献
152.
通过对我国民行检察监督制度发展的规律性认识折射出我国整个检察制度发展改革应完善的方向:加强检察理论研究,重视与学界的沟通与交流,为检察改革营造出良好的理论环境;重视检察改革中的外部关系,与法院在博弈中加强合作,在合作共赢中推进检察制度改革;鼓励地方检察机关的创新型实践,检察改革应采取自上而下和自下而上相结合的改革路径。 相似文献
153.
我国非物质文化遗产体系中的民间文学艺术保护工作正在全面展开,知识产权是否能够适用于民间文学艺术的保护仍存有争议.探析民间文艺著作权保护的缘由是厘清选择何种保护模式必要的举措.社会正义是民间文学艺术知识产权保护的价值取向.采用分类保护方式是民间文学艺术保护的优先选择. 相似文献
154.
马克思社会关系理论是马克思主义理论的重要组成部分。通过对马克思社会关系理论的文本解读.考察马克思社会关系理论诸要素,分析马克思主义社会关系理论的理论基础。 相似文献
155.
公安微博是公安机关或民警以真实身份开设的网络平台。目前,国内许多公安机关都开通了网络微博,引起了社会公众的关注和热议。作为一个新生事物,公安微博的发展面临着诸多问题与挑战。如何界定公安微博的概念、分析公安微博的特点、定位公安微博的功能,对于公安微博未来的健康发展具有十分重要的现实意义。 相似文献
156.
2013年是中国与东盟建立战略伙伴关系10周年。10年来,随着中国与东盟战略伙伴关系的确立和中国—东盟自由贸易区如期建成,中国与东盟经济关系呈现出一系列新的格局变化。展望未来,中国与东盟经济关系发展将面临新的机遇和挑战。 相似文献
157.
158.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):301-332
This paper presents and applies empirically a computational model of the way in which bona fide high level foreign policy recommendations by U.S. policy makers are assembled. We begin by pointing out that policy making can be seen as the connection of certain strings of words to other strings. We then discuss how these connections constitute certain types of foreign policy making phenomena as such. To theorize about such connections, one first needs to specify essential features of these phenomena, and we do so for one phenomenon: bona fide recommendations. We next turn to a discussion of the theory that links together the categories by which these features are represented. That theory explains how certain strings of words are assembled into new proximate goals, missions, and tools. The theory can be modeled computationally using the programming language Scheme, and we next present that model. We conclude by presenting a run of the model, showing the close fit between actual and generated strings. 相似文献
159.
Helen O’Nions 《社会福利与家庭法律杂志》2020,42(3):319-340
ABSTRACT This article examines how three spheres of hostility intersect to prevent effective access to justice for those living with insecure immigration status. The neoliberal governance model, the barren justice landscape and the hostile environment are supported by the cynical construction of the ‘fat cat’ lawyer and the toxic ‘folk devil’ narrative of the ‘bogus’ asylum seeker. To the extent that the judiciary have frustrated the more obvious, ideologically driven, attempts to restrict access to justice for migrants, the austerity predicated measures pursuant to the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 (LASPO) have completely altered the legal landscape. The analysis is informed by the findings of the ‘Legal advice and support for persons with insecure status’ project (hereafter LAPIS) in Nottingham which explores the challenges faced by service providers and the lived experiences of those with insecurity of status. It is clear that access to justice is a passport to the realisation of other rights, yet participants struggled to access a remedy because legal advice is too often out of reach. 相似文献
160.
AbstractIran has pursued a highly contradictory policy towards Afghanistan. On the one hand, it became a significant beneficiary of the overthrow of the Taliban regime by the US-led military intervention in 2001 in Afghanistan. The new Afghan government established cordial ties with Iran, allowing it to expand its political, economic and cultural influence in the country. Yet Iran has also provided significant support to the Taliban in its campaign to violently upend the political, social and economic processes in the country. This article examines the underlying domestic and regional security dynamics that contribute to this contradictory behaviour. It offers an assessment of how tensions between the United States and the Islamic Republic, as well as Tehran’s growing threat perception following the rise of the Islamic State – Khorasan in 2014, impact on Iran’s policy towards the Taliban. The paper argues that Tehran views the Taliban as an instrument to disrupt the influence of other actors in Afghanistan. The instrumentalisation of the Taliban, however, is likely to be counterproductive for Iranian security in the long run as it contributes to Afghanistan’s instability and insecurity and undermines Iran’s own long-term interests. 相似文献