中国特色社会主义是中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路

中国三次“伟大革命”理论，是胡锦涛同志在庆祝改革开放30周年纪念大会的报告中提出的。第一次伟大革命是辛亥革命；第二次伟大革命是指新民主主义革命和社会主义革命；第三次伟大革命是以改革开放为特征的新的“伟大革命”。以往，我国学界注重讨论的跨越“卡夫丁峡谷”理论，是为中国特色社会主义探寻唯物史观的理论根据。现在，我们上溯到鸦片战争时期，从历史的宏阔视野，继续探讨跨越“卡夫丁峡谷”理论，对我们坚持中国特色社会主义道路、促进中华民族伟大复兴具有重要的现实意义。     

Promises of an impossible compromise: conceded constitutions in Europe, 1814–1906

The enactment of a constitution through the method of ‘concession’, as it was used in Europe between the Napoleonic wars and World War I, indicates that a hitherto absolute ruler understood the need for a higher level of institutionalization and collective exercise of state power, but mistrusted institutionalized and collective processes, which would define the level needed. In other word, a ‘concession’ comprehended an imminent contradiction. Drafting an enduring constitution is a complex and difficult task, which requires consensus- building on a wide scale through collective procedures. However, a ruler who ‘concedes’ implicitly denies any kind of collective constitution-making, which could get out of the ruler’s control. Instead rulers preferred a non-inclusive approach, using court advisors and/or ministers appointed by the ruler, to draft the constitutional text. The European experience analyzed in this article shows that popular involvement through representative procedures (such as the election of a constituent assembly) in the making of a constitution can improve its chances for endurance through time and create a political environment more favourable for the constitution to achieve normative quality, instead of remaining essentially a false promise.     

WTO与我国仲裁法律制度的变革

在WTO争端解决机制中,具体的争端解决方式有协商、斡旋、调解、调停、诉讼和仲裁等,其中仲裁是常选的方式。加入WTO对我国仲裁事业产生了深刻的影响,特别是WTO争端解决机制中有关仲裁的规定给我国仲裁法律制度的发展带来了新的机遇与挑战。而现阶段我国仲裁法律制度中还存在着一些缺陷,从客观上影响了与WTO规则的一致性。该文从WTO仲裁规则的历史发展和主要内容出发,分析WTO规则对我国仲裁法律制度的要求,提出了我国仲裁法律制度具体变革的措施。     

20世纪初俄国政治制度透析——根据六部制宪文件

20世纪初俄国政治制度的演变问题日益引起学术界的注意,作为封建专制制度的总代表沙皇为什么走上立宪道路又在多大程度上接受立宪制度以及当时俄国社会制度的性质等问题正引起学者们的关注。以新公布的材料,选择一个新的研究视角,我们可以看出,从沙皇颁布的一系改革文件中,最具有代表性的六部法律文件,反映了俄国社会政治制度演变的轨迹。其结论是,沙皇接受立宪完全是形势所逼,虽然俄国勉强地由封建专制体制转向二元君主立宪体制,但是沙皇仍然居于国家权利的主导地位;而俄国真正实现社会政治制度的变革,其途径只能是通过革命。     

民主革命时期毛泽东在党建问题上的创新

民主革命时期的毛泽东,提出了理论联系实际,马克思主义党建理论中国化等思想,并成功地领导了该时期的党风建设。     

论马克思恩格斯的科学社会主义

马克思恩格斯创立的科学社会主义是关于无产阶级及其被压迫民族解放的科学,它包括社会主义革命论和社会主义建设论上、下篇。对于上篇,马克思恩格斯不仅有理论,而且有实践,但由于各种复杂的原因没能领导革命取得胜利;对于下篇,马克思恩格斯只有原则设想,没有实践,因之,这些设想属于理论的观念形态,它的正确与否必须接受实践的检验,不能对其教条化。     

1861—1917年间俄国革命的起因

从1861年到1917年十月革命前夕,沙俄帝国充满了矛盾和反差现象,新生的政治力量和革命知识分子始终被禁锢在一个专制的僵化政体中。但专制与反专制的斗争没有停止,俄罗斯人民的革命传统得到发杨。     

The Social Function of Carlos Fuentes: A Critical Intellectual or in the ‘Shadow of the State’?

This article seeks to raise meaningful questions about the role, or wider social function, of the intellectual within state–civil society relations in Latin America characterised by conditions of socio–economic modernisation. It does so by pursuing such questions through a detailed examination of the social function of Carlos Fuentes as an intellectual in Mexico. Through a focus on the social function of Carlos Fuentes, it is possible to distinguish the role intellectual activity can play in the construction and contestation of hegemony in Mexico. Most crucially, the article prompts consideration of the social basis of hegemony and the agency of intellectuals organically tied to particular social forces functioning through state–civil society relations in the struggle over hegemony. Put differently, it is possible to grant due regard to the mixture of critical opposition and accommodation that has often confronted the intellectual within Latin America.     

Rancière and revolution

This paper explores what role Rancière's work can play in the struggle for a more democratic world. It highlights the strength of Rancière's conception of democracy, which clearly identifies democracy as a popular disruption of the prevailing police order. This order claims to have assigned a proper role to all parts of society. Democracy for Rancière is when an element emerges that has not been taken account of and demonstrates the police order's claim to be false. Among the many benefits of this way of understanding democracy, it upsets any easy association between hegemony and democracy – as in Laclau & Mouffe – and it refuses utterly the ideological fusing of democracy, capitalism, and the state offered by the liberal-democratic-capitalist consensus. However, Rancière's approach also introduces significant limits on democracy because it denies that democracy can ever do more than disrupt the prevailing order. It does not allow for the possibility that democracy can grow and spread to the point that it becomes pervasive in the polity. This paper uses the case of the Egyptian uprising to show how this limitation closes off important political possibilities. The paper argues that Deleuze & Guattari's theorisation of revolution, when used carefully, is a necessary corrective to Rancière's too-restricted concept of democracy     

现代科技革命与中国特色的可持续发展

现代科技革命对社会、经济、文化具有正、负两方面的影响和作用。面对现代科技革命带来的机遇与挑战，中国必须把握人类对发展的认识规律，立足信息化的时代和我国的基本国情，走中国特色的可持续发展道路。