全文获取类型
收费全文 | 4387篇 |
免费 | 114篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 22篇 |
工人农民 | 64篇 |
世界政治 | 15篇 |
外交国际关系 | 15篇 |
法律 | 1882篇 |
中国共产党 | 57篇 |
中国政治 | 433篇 |
政治理论 | 204篇 |
综合类 | 1809篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 5篇 |
2022年 | 24篇 |
2021年 | 36篇 |
2020年 | 75篇 |
2019年 | 26篇 |
2018年 | 30篇 |
2017年 | 34篇 |
2016年 | 44篇 |
2015年 | 45篇 |
2014年 | 181篇 |
2013年 | 176篇 |
2012年 | 294篇 |
2011年 | 293篇 |
2010年 | 296篇 |
2009年 | 307篇 |
2008年 | 355篇 |
2007年 | 431篇 |
2006年 | 461篇 |
2005年 | 435篇 |
2004年 | 408篇 |
2003年 | 222篇 |
2002年 | 160篇 |
2001年 | 83篇 |
2000年 | 68篇 |
1999年 | 12篇 |
排序方式: 共有4501条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
121.
加强城市房屋拆迁中被拆迁人权利保障 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
丁萍 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2009,9(4):43-47
我国城市化浪潮中大规模的城市房屋拆迁,在一定程度上改善了居民整体生活环境和卫生条件的同时,也引发大量的拆迁纠纷和拆迁冲突。由于缺乏有力的权利保障和救济机制,被拆迁人的合法权利难于保障。我们应从立法、行政、司法等领域加强和疏通对处于弱势地位的被拆迁人的权利保障和救济,还公民私权以应有的尊严。 相似文献
122.
123.
124.
刑事被追诉人(即犯罪嫌疑人、被告人)知情权(或称知悉权)是伴随程序主体地位的确立而提出来的.现代刑事诉讼理念要求在诉讼构造的设计方面,努力追求控辩双方的平等对抗.结合我国的刑事司法实践,就需要强化被追诉人的防御权体系,以追求攻防的相对均衡,而知情权则是这一防御权体系的前提和基础.我国现行的刑事诉讼法关于被追诉人知情权的规定尚存不足,需要强化并改进.对被追诉人知情权的探讨离不开对现有法律规定的分析,需要从实然与应然的角度做出评析,不仅要明确知情权,而且还要保障知情权的实现. 相似文献
125.
Political scientists generally agree that all individuals structure their cultural attitudes in the same unidimensional fashion. However, various populist radical right parties remarkably combine moral progressiveness with conservatism regarding immigration-related issues. This suggests that the structuring of cultural attitudes among the electorate may also be more complex than typically assumed. Applying Correlational Class Analysis to representative survey data, the study uncovers three cultural belief systems. For individuals adhering to an integrated one, all cultural attitudes are interdependent, as typically assumed. However, two alternative belief systems are also uncovered: intermediate and partitioned. In the latter, positions on one cultural attitude (e.g. ethnocentrism) are barely related to positions on others (e.g. rejecting Islam or opposing homosexuality). The existence of multiple cultural belief systems challenges the widely held assumption that all people organise their cultural attitudes similarly. Both political party agendas and individuals’ education level and religion appear key to understanding variation in belief systems. 相似文献
126.
Since the 1980s, Western Europe has experienced the surge of populist radical right parties. In an attempt to ward off these electoral newcomers, established parties have pursued strategies of disengagement, such as exclusion and de-legitimisation. This study examines the electoral effects of an excessive form of de-legitimisation, which we label ‘demonisation’. We estimate the effects of demonisation on electoral support for the Dutch Freedom Party (PVV) and its predecessor Groep Wilders. Time series analyses show that demonisation has a negative effect on electoral support, but only for Groep Wilders. Once the populist radical right party has made a successful entry into the party system, demonisation does not have its intended consequences. 相似文献
127.
Empirical studies have demonstrated that compared to almost all other parties, populist radical right (PRR) parties draw more votes from men than from women. However, the two dominant explanations that are generally advanced to explain this disparity – gender differences regarding socio-economic position and lower perceptions regarding the threat of immigrants – cannot fully explain the difference. The article contends that it might actually be gender differences regarding the conceptualisation of society and politics – populist attitudes – that explain the gender gap. Thus, the gap may be due, in part, to differences in socialisation. The article analyses EES 2014 data on voting for the populist radical right and the populist radical left in nine European countries. Across countries, the gender gap in voting for the PRR is indeed partly explained by populist attitudes. For populist radical left parties, the results are less clear, suggesting that populism has different meanings to voters on the left and on the right. 相似文献
128.
This article focuses on forms of opposition to ‘othering’ and far-right politics in present-day Greece. This opposition takes a variety of forms, comes from a range of actors, and is motivated by a number of concerns with differing assessments of what should be done. More specifically, the article focuses on the far right in Greece and discrimination, hate speech, and hate crime against the ‘other’ from the perspectives of those who are active in mobilizing against racism and counteracting the country’s populist and neo-nationalist turn. Concentrating on the forces opposing discrimination, the analysis describes present-day social movements and actions from grassroots to governmental level, their strategies and politics, their diversity of thought and action, and their contribution in providing the resources for social change, and the production of new meaning in the context of anti-racism in Greece. Trying to provide answers as to how social movements and activists produce meaning, we argue that activists develop less intentional, inadvertent meanings which emerge in the course of the not-always conscious schemas of their struggle. This calls for a more dynamic explanation of the relationship between practice and meaning-making in social movement contexts. 相似文献
129.
我国刑诉法规定了犯罪嫌疑人面对审讯人员的审讯:“应当如实回答”的义务,使其在刑事诉讼中处于不利的地位。是否赋予犯罪嫌疑人沉默权,由“口供本位”转向“物证本位”,彻底改变目前的侦查模式,是我国刑事诉讼法修改的一个不容忽视的重要问题。 相似文献
130.
张丽佳 《辽宁公安司法管理干部学院学报》2009,(1):46-47
我国在被害人权利的保护与救济方面,存在着诸多失衡与不足等问题。目前,这些问题已逐渐成为人们关注的焦点之一。如何解决权利平衡视野下被害人保护的问题,既是完善和谐司法的需要,也是构建和谐社会的必然要求。 相似文献