首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   215篇
  免费   3篇
各国政治   10篇
工人农民   7篇
世界政治   12篇
外交国际关系   7篇
法律   69篇
中国共产党   19篇
中国政治   17篇
政治理论   19篇
综合类   58篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   4篇
  2019年   3篇
  2018年   2篇
  2017年   8篇
  2016年   6篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   27篇
  2012年   9篇
  2011年   15篇
  2010年   10篇
  2009年   18篇
  2008年   18篇
  2007年   12篇
  2006年   12篇
  2005年   8篇
  2004年   14篇
  2003年   12篇
  2002年   6篇
  2001年   10篇
  2000年   10篇
  1999年   2篇
  1998年   2篇
  1992年   1篇
排序方式: 共有218条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
111.
Since the collapse of the Oslo peace process and the violence that followed, many scholars have reflected upon the Israeli–Palestinian peace process. Most of this analysis has focused on official negotiations without considering the substantial role that unofficial peace efforts have played in peacebuilding, both prior to and after Oslo. This article, in contrast, seeks to better understand the application of “track two” diplomacy to the Israeli–Palestinian case. It reports on a self‐reflection effort by numerous Israeli–Palestinian peace practitioners to better understand what has worked, what has not, and how new initiatives could be more effectively organized and carried out in the future. The research presented is based on an inventory of seventy‐nine track two projects that occurred between Israelis and Palestinians between 1992 and 2004, personal interviews with many of those who organized and oversaw these projects, and two focus group meetings that brought together a total of forty practitioners. In this article, we seek to better understand two issues: (1) how track two initiatives have changed in scope, organization, and intent; and (2) how track two practitioners have sought to disseminate their work beyond the participants of those initiatives. Our findings present an overall picture of the Israeli–Palestinian second track practice and identify a number of trends and common types of practice. Among the trends we have identified are the following: during the peace process years, more track two initiatives were undertaken with elite/professional participants than with representatives of the grassroots, but in the subsequent decade‐and‐a‐half, Israeli–Palestinian grassroots, track two initiatives gradually replaced senior‐level track two exchanges; most of the grassroots initiatives we studied were relationship focused, whereas those involving elite participants are outcome focused; the track two community subscribes to a set of theoretical propositions about which conditions and contexts facilitate the transmission of track two insights and ideas to the political process, but these propositions have yet to be validated; and track two specialists do little strategic planning about ways to most effectively transfer track two insights and ideas to the political process. Our research also identified four distinct, but not mutually exclusive, approaches to practice: the psychological, the constructivist, the capacity building, and the realistic interest.  相似文献   
112.
近十年来,传统的安全威胁与非传统的安全威胁相互交织,非传统威胁的影响日益上升;相应地,传统的国际关系理论与非传统的国际关系理论难决高下,非传统理论似将占据上风.根据近十年来的国际大事进行检测,也许可以较客观地评判以"文明冲突论"为代表的非传统理论的现实有效程度,也许还可以评判传统理论在目前"非传统环境"中的生存能力.  相似文献   
113.
全国工会学研究会2005年年会确定的主题是"探索创新工会理论,推进和谐社会建设",围绕这一主题,主要探讨了"关于农民工的组织与权益维护问题"、"关于工会在构建和谐社会过程中如何发挥有效作用","关于工会组织体制与运行机制的改革与建设"等问题,与会者提出许多有创见性的观点.  相似文献   
114.
In this article I re-assess the parameters of what we seek to abolish as we pursue penal abolition. I apply Black Feminist Hauntology to exorcize the barriers of traditional and ineffective deconstructions of crime and criminalization. To illustrate these weaknesses I discuss police killings and related vigilante white supremacist violence. I present the aftermath of the deaths and trials (when there were trials) to bring to light the large disconnects that exist between abolitionism and the world in which crime lives. To begin to address this disconnect I present an abolitionist theory on crime founded upon five pillars of assessment: abolition’s perceived minimization of violence; the abusive R.I.P. relationship between crime and justice; a cultural phenomenon of achieving significance through proximity or by association; abusive naturalizations of violence that have been unaddressed in penal abolition; locating the struggles to exit abusive relationships within the core of our studies of criminal justice and penal abolition. I conclude that when penal abolitionists conceive of crime as a social construction tied to criminal justice institutions alone, as opposed to part of a structurally Racist-Imperialist-Patriarchal [R-I-P] abusive relationship, they stunt the possibilities of abolition in manners akin to pushing against a 500 year old tree from its trunk and expecting it to topple over without any account for the roots that hold it firmly in the ground.  相似文献   
115.
Criminology and urban sociology have long‐standing interests in how neighborhoods and communities respond to and control crime. We build on the literature on social disorganization, collective efficacy, and new parochialism to develop a framework that explains how and why communities respond differently to crime. We draw on more than 2 years of comparative ethnographic data and 56 resident and stakeholder interviews on responses to crime in four communities in two states. We find that the intersections of racial composition, geography, and crime narratives in each place contributed to distinct community responses to crime. By analyzing these dynamics across the four sites, we propose three types of public–parochial partnerships that communities use to respond to crime: public alliances that rely primarily on public forms of control, tentative public–parochial partnerships that rely on tenuous connections with public institutions, and grassroots engagement with public institutions. We explain the emergence of these three approaches as patterned responses rooted in characteristics of local contexts, including racial composition and geographic isolation.  相似文献   
116.
党忠 《桂海论丛》2002,18(4):5-7
江泽民同志的"三个代表"思想,是当代中国马克思主义的伟大创新,开拓了马克思主义的新境界,学习和贯彻"三个代表",就是要坚持解放思想、实事求是的思想路线,勇于研究新情况,努力解决新问题,大胆创新,善于创新,不断推进马克思主义中国化进程.  相似文献   
117.
"党要始终代表中国先进生产力的发展要求"的思想是对党建理论的创新和发展.政治和经济关系的原理、生产力和生产关系的原理是这一创新和发展的理论基础,吸取历史教训和总结现实经验是这一创新和发展的实践依据,"科学技术是第一生产力"是这一创新和发展的必然.这一创新和发展指明了中国社会主义现代化建设胜利前进的方向.  相似文献   
118.
20世纪60年代初,邓小平运用马列主义、毛泽东思想的立场、观点和方法总结社会主义建设的经验和教训,注重将马列主义、毛泽东思想与我国社会主义建设的实践相结合,在如何建设社会主义的问题上形成了一些新的思路。这些新的思路成为邓小平理论的前奏和先声。  相似文献   
119.
中国特色社会主义理论体系是马克思主义中国化最新成果.深入学习贯彻中国特色社会主义理论体系,关系党和国家工作的全局,关系中国特色社会主义事业的长远发展,关系中华民族的伟大复兴.把中国特色社会主义理论体系的学习贯彻推向深入,必须充分认识学习贯彻中国特色社会主义理论体系的重大意义.全面把握中国特色社会主义理论体系的立场、观点和方法,不断提高学习贯彻中国特色社会主义理论体系的水平.  相似文献   
120.
警察战术是警察正确运用国家强制力进行对抗性执法活动的原则、方法和指挥艺术。警察战术以对抗性执法活动中对强制力的综合运用作为研究对象,并用以指导对抗性执法实践。警察战术研究的总任务是揭示警察对抗性执法规律,用以指导对抗性执法实践,形成指导人民警察在不同情况和条件下正确运用国家强制力进行对抗性执法活动的系统理论,提高人民警察的执法素质,从而达到最有效地打击犯罪活动、减少代价付出、获取最佳执法效益的目的。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号