马克思的虚空与人的本质实在

根据哲学研究问题的基本环节,对马克思主义进行考察试着理解马克思主义整体性的基本方法。通过考察马克思与人的本质是什么的问题的初始关系、问题演进以及研究问题的方法的确定直至问题解决等三个基本环节的分析,发现马克思主义的整体理论过程是以马克思与传统世界的观念决裂开始直至马克思的死亡为结束的以通过人并且为了人而对人的本质的真正占有为主旨的人的解放和发展的人类哲学。     

“鸦片论”与坚持发展马克思主义宗教观

鸦片论不是无明显褒贬之意的对宗教具有镇定精神功能的形象化比喻,而是马克思对资本主义条件下宗教性质和社会功能的深刻揭示;马克思主义宗教观的与时俱进,其本质就是运用马克思主义的立场、观点和方法研究解决新形势下我国宗教工作的新情况和新问题。正确处理社会主义与宗教的关系,并不代表必然要否定或抛弃鸦片论;对鸦片论的态度,关键是要坚持辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的基本观点,不能用现在否定过去,而应在扬弃中创新发展。     

浅析宽容思想对刑事政策的影响

从严刑峻法到人性、人道、人权思想,刑法的进步体现出国家在制定和运用刑法中的一种宽容态度。从宽容的角度,从人性、人道、人权思想出发,如果人人都以一颗宽容的心看待刑法中的问题,在刑事政策中体现宽容思想,那么,刑法将达到一个至高的境界。     

防止公职人员利益冲突的路径选择——以人性为视角

公职人员的利益冲突问题是一个新的廉政建设研究领域。国(境)内外实践证明,利益冲突是腐败发生的重要根源,是导致政府行政行为非法性、政府信任危机的必然逻辑结果,其产生根源于人性趋利的本质特性。因此,防止公职人员利益冲突,须以人性趋利的本质特性为基点,以利益阻隔为路径,以制度的针对性、操作性与实效性为目标。基于此须设立防止利益冲突三道防线:建立良好的公职人员职业保障体系,让其不想;加大利益冲突的个人成本,让其不敢;创新权力约束与监督机制,让其不易。     

始终把党性教育贯穿于党校教学的全过程

党校作为领导干部党性锻炼的"熔炉",在党性教育中承担着重要的责任,具有不可替代的作用和优势。当前,在党校教学中党性教育存在着对党性教育重要性认识不足、对党性教育规律研究不多以及教育方式陈旧等突出问题。要解决这些问题,必须坚持把丰富知识、提高能力与增强党性更好地结合起来,把党性教育作为党校教育的根本原则和主要内容贯穿于教学的全过程。     

如何科学解读《刑法修正案（八）》第6条？——兼与陈金林同志商榷

修正后的刑法第65条“但书”规定中“过失犯罪”的表述之后是否存在“的”字,并不会导致“犯罪”与“犯罪分子”的区别;刑法第65条的“但书”对“前罪”和“后罪”均起限制作用,而不是“不满十八周岁的人犯罪的除外”的表述对“前罪”和“后罪”均有限制作用,但“过失犯罪除外”的表述仅对“后罪”有限制作用.另外,要正确把握“累犯的本质”和“累犯从重处罚的依据”这两个概念的内涵.     

老子为政清廉思想探析

老子运用"道法自然"观照人生和社会,从天道推及人道,并将其视为宇宙万物之源和人类活动之则,以此指导理性人生、构建理想社会。虽然老子没有提及"为政清廉"一词,但老子把"自然无为"视作人的本性,寻求人类生存根据。由此,"自然无为"成为老子为政清廉思想的最高追求,"以慈修德,以俭养德,不敢为天下先"成为老子为政清廉思想的价值取向,淡泊名利、致虚守静成为老子为政清廉思想的精神境界。     

清初关中李念慈诗论的时代精神

李念慈为清代关中诗人,其诗学理论继承了中国古代诗论如"诗本性情"、"文以明道"、"江山之助"、"诗穷而工"等许多优秀思想,并将其赋予了新的内涵,和清初文艺思潮紧密联系,具有鲜明的时代精神。他不但重视作家的人格修养,而且强调文学的社会功能和认识价值,有着积极的用世精神。其诗歌理论兼容并包,内涵丰富,体系严密,在清初诗论中独具特色,值得学界重视。     

Green citizenship and the political critique of injustice

Over recent decades, normative theories of green citizenship have drawn upon observations that a long-prevalent dualistic understanding of society, as completely subjecting nature, is being displaced by growing political and cultural support for a holistic view of society, as participating in nature. Differences between avowedly liberal and civic-republican interpretations of green citizenship notwithstanding, the normative theories share five key social critiques: (1) the need to challenge nature/culture dualism; (2) to dissolve the division between the public and private spheres; (3) to undermine state-territorialism; (4) to eschew social contractualism and (5) to ground justice in awareness of the finiteness and maldistribution of ecological space (ES). This article offers a sympathetic provocation to normative theories of green citizenship. Adopting a critical realist perspective, it describes the partial and problematic realisation of these critiques in the contemporary types of social and political participation, contents of the rights and duties and institutional arrangements of the ‘stakeholder’ citizenship that has become established within the neoliberal or weak eco-modernising, global competition state. This perspective is important because it offers new insights into the discursive framework that encompasses contemporary debates over justice and injustice. In particular, injustice from within the post-industrial ecostate appears to be a diffuse whole-of-society problem, the by-product of unsustainable development that lacks an identifiable class of perpetrators. This makes the progressive task of enunciating claims that injustice is present in some senses difficult, while conservative ideological positions are simplified.     

What is the matter of feminist criticism?

This paper is situated in the context of feminist debates around nature, culture, the body and essentialism, and focuses specifically on matter and materiality. In part, it is a response to recent developments in the natural sciences which suggest that strictly social constructionist and/or epistemological approaches to matter may be inadequate to the task of analysis and critique. It begins by considering some of the specific conditions under which the sex/gender model emerged, and its implications, before addressing the work of three contemporary theorists who are engaged with differing conceptions of matter, ontology and substance. I suggest that, while not necessarily providing ‘solutions’, these projects raise the kinds of questions that promise torevivify the flesh and blood of feminist critique.