环境法“生态人”人性预设之否定——基于西方法律人性预设演进的视角

法律的人性预设的基本要求一是必须注意区分法律的人性预设与伦理道德的人性要求，二是必须基于对现实客观的人性标准的认识。作为法律的环境法的人性预设既应区分“环境法的人性预设”和“环境伦理的人性要求”，又必须准确把握现实人的人性标准。以这样的基本要求为工具审视环境法理论界的“生态人”理论，就能看出学者们共同采用了“应然模式”，没有注意区分“环境法的人性预设”与“环境伦理的人性要求”，且普遍存在不忠实于现实人性，不符合环境法人性预设的基本要求。所以，现阶段不宜直接将“生态人”作为环境法的人性预设。     

Marxist Philosophy vs. International Relations Research in China

This article argues for the confirmation of Marxist philosophy as the ideology that guides international relations （IR） studies in China. Justification comes through the following points. According to Marxism, correct theoretical guidance serves as the prerequisite for correct practice. Marxist philosophy embodies, by nature, righteousness, in opposition to political hegemony. Accordingly, practice under its guidance represents fruitful revolutionary realism. Finally, advanced studies of international relations in this country cannot be separated from philosophical thinking. Using these arguments as background, this article specifically advocates materialism, patriotism, and service to the people as the corner-stone of China＇s IR theory building.     

穆旦与《圣经》--兼论穆旦的三部诗剧

穆旦所关注的现代文明的文化危机与救赎企图和<圣经>的基本语境是相通的,<圣经>话语对穆旦诗歌精神结构的形成起着不可忽视的作用,上帝在穆旦诗歌中具有特殊的内涵与功能.其诗歌揭示了现代生活中因神的放逐带来的精神贫困及受难的现代意义.     

再论李翱的人性论

李翱的性善情恶论认为 ,性是情的根据 ,情是性的表现 ,这就必然产生善性产生邪情的矛盾。李翱对此的解决方案是 :性虽产生情 ,但邪情是七情交伐的结果 ,所以邪情是无根的。但李翱毕竟承认性产生情 ,性毕竟是邪情的产生者 ;所以他对善性产生邪情的矛盾的处理并不完满 ;也正是由于此 ,李翱的性善情恶论才对开启宋代性二元论产生了深远的影响。     

论证据的关联性——证据的唯一特性

本文作者分析了证据的关联性与证据客观性和合法性的关系 ,认为合法性与客观性不是证据的基本特征 ,并提出了证据的关联性是证据唯一的特征的观点。     

浅析债权人撤销权

债权人撤销权是债的保全制度的重要内容 ,属于实体法上的权利。其构成要件为 :(一 )债务人实施处分财产的法律行为 ;(二 )债务人处分财产的行为已经或将要严重害及债权 ;(三 )有偿处分行为中 ,须债务人和相对人主观上均出于恶意。债权人行使撤销权 ,其效力依判决确立而产生 ,并分别对债权人、债务人、相对人产生效力。     

政治理论范畴的性质、功能与特征

范畴是政治学理论的细胞。政治理论范畴是经验性与先验性、本体性与认识性、稳定性与变动性的统一;政治理论范畴可以帮助人们正确地认识、理解、预测和创造政治生活;科学的政治理论范畴必须具有明确性、类别性、类比性与可靠性的特征。     

论检察机关的性质

我国将检察机关定位为负责法律监督的司法机关符合检察机关职能的演进规律,有利于保障检察独立和审判独立,我国检察机关与法院的角色冲突可以通过程序权力(利)的重新配置来解决,而没有必要从根本上改变检察机关的性质定位.     

The adventure of capital with nature: from the metabolic rift to the value theory of nature

This paper suggests that the concept of metabolic rift situated in ‘the labor theory of value’ is not an adequate theoretical tool to historically explore capitalist development as a socio-ecological process and socio-historical domination of ecology. It situates the concept of nature in Marx’s critique of political economy and the concept of the metabolic rift in relation to his theory of value. Then, it explores two distinctive historical approaches to the relationship between ecology and capitalist development within the world-historical studies, i.e. the world-ecology perspective and the uneven ecological exchange perspective, in relation to their theoretical and epistemological premises. How they operationalize or recast Marx’s theory of value in understanding this relationship opens a realm to rethink the value theory in relation to nature and the socio-ecological nature of capitalist relations of production. Based on this, it proposes to reconsider the value theory as a value theory of nature in order to recognize the historical specificity of socio-ecological relations, and their historical transformation and alienation, as an integral constituent of the historical narrative of capitalist development.     

Wildlife policy matters: inclusion and exclusion by means of organisational and discursive boundaries

As a result of shifting wildlife policy, approximately one-sixth of South Africa's total land has been ‘game-fenced’ and converted for wildlife-based production during the last three decades. The wildlife industry has thereby become a multibillion rand industry with an increasingly vocal political arena. Seeing nature and its production as an organised political project, this article sets out to give insight into the shifting power relations between wildlife utilisers, government officials and civil society in South Africa. It does so by examining the production of dominant narratives on wildlife in the emerging organisational field of wildlife policy. This article studies the Wildlife Forum, an important national discursive space in which government engages with non-governmental parties about wildlife policy. The article argues that by means of organisational and discursive restructuring, government and industry actors have promoted a discourse alliance that endorses both government's conservation interests and industry's development interests, while excluding dissenting voices.