新时代国有企业坚持职工主体地位的研究与思考

习近平总书记关于以人民为中心的思想集中反映了习近平总书记的群众观,是对马克思"人的全面发展"理论的继承和发展。深入了解和研究以人民为中心思想的形成、理论来源、重要意义和深刻内涵,对于准确把握习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想,坚持国有企业职工主体地位,统筹做好工会各项工作都具有重要意义。本文论述了以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导,在国有企业中深入理解和切实践行以人民为中心的发展思想,贯彻落实好全心全意依靠工人阶级的根本方针,充分发挥国有企业"六个力量"作用,推动国有企业做强做优做大,促进我国经济社会持续健康发展的具体路径和目标任务。     

劳动关系视角下的网约用工纠纷研究

近年来,网络平台与网约工的劳动纠纷开始显现在司法实务中。面对类似纠纷,法院采取了不同的立场。尽管网约用工打破了过去"单一企业对应单一员工"的劳动关系模式,但根据现行法律,仅凭合作协议难以认定网络平台与网约工存在劳动关系。一方面应当区分网约工与网络平台签订劳动合同、网络平台与其它企业进行合作、网络平台直接与网约工签订合作协议三种形式,另一方面应当在司法实践中对"各项劳动规章制度适用"、"受劳动管理"、"从事用人单位安排的有报酬的劳动"进行统一规范解释。最后应当在司法经验基础上根据"互联网+"背景下共享经济的特点完善劳动法。     

关于劳动美的理论反思 —— 兼论工会在职工实现劳动美价值引领中的作用

中国特色社会主义进入新时代。以"劳动美"托起"中国梦"作为时代精神的引领,正在成为我国工人阶级的思想共识和行动逻辑。劳动美本质上是劳动者基于其劳动实践而实现的美的创造,并通过各种美的劳动形式,彰显劳动者的本质力量和劳动美的价值。劳动美作为人的劳动实践活动本质属性和基本要求之一,是以真的劳动和善的劳动作为基础,是真善美在人的劳动实践中的高度统一。在美的劳动中追求劳动美,本质上是劳动的合目的性与合规律性的高度统一,是劳动实践中各种关系的内在和谐与统一。新时代,工会组织要通过开展丰富多彩的活动,团结、教育、凝聚广大职工群众坚定不移跟党走,在以"劳动美"筑就"中国梦"的伟大征程中,充分发挥主力军作用。     

城市农民工阶层化问题探讨

随着改革开放以来中国社会转型以及城市化进程加速,城市农民工内部已经发生了阶层分化,从上到下依次划分为准市民身份的农民工、自我雇佣的个体农民工、依靠打工维生的农民工、失业农民工、失地农民工这五个阶层。经济收入的差异是导致城市农民工内部发生分化的最直接、最本质的原因。农民工阶层化未来发展将呈现出城市农民工数量持续增加,农民工阶层在经济层面进一步分化,农民工阶层由基础的经济层面的分化进一步转向政治和社会层面的分化,城市农民工的阶层流动从自发转为自为等趋势。     

进城农民工基本话语权的获得

要解决农民工社会参与的话语权问题,应该重视这些问题:其一,加速提高进城农民工的受教育程度问题;建立健全农民工权益表达的合理程序与渠道问题;舆论应该为农民工的权益表达创造良好氛围问题.这是农民工获得基本话语权的基础工程.     

The political economy of labor market deregulation during IMF interventions

This study examines the relationship between policy interventions by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and de jure labor rights. Combining two novel data sets with unprecedented country-year coverage – leximetric data on labor laws and disaggregated data on IMF conditionality – our analysis of up to 70 developing countries from 1980 to 2014 demonstrates that IMF-mandated labor market policy measures significantly reduce both individual and collective labor rights. Once we control for the effect of labor market policy measures, however, we find that collective labor rights increase in the wake of IMF programs. We argue that this result is explained by the impact of union pressure on governments which, in such a context, are imbued with the policy space to respond to domestic interest groups. The study has broader theoretical implications as to when international organizations are effective in constraining governments’ choices.     

Living and working as a domestic worker in the Middle East: the experience of migrant returnees in Girana town,North Wollo,Ethiopia

ABSTRACT

This article explores the migration experiences of Ethiopian migrant returnees from domestic work in the Gulf countries and Lebanon. The returnees reside in the town of Girana located in Habru sub-district, North Wollo zone of Amhara region. There is much female work migration to the Arab Middle East from the town, particularly to Saudi Arabia through Muslim pilgrimage. Employing a qualitative method, the study examines how the returnee women perceived and experienced labour migration and analyzes the impacts of labour migration on childcare, family survival back home, and debt payment. The returnees made voluntary regular and irregular labour migration to the region and engaged in domestic work, which is not preferred by the host society. However, domestic work is unregulated by the labour policy of the destination countries. This made the returnees’ employment situation rather exploitative, exacerbating their vulnerability to abuses, ethnic denigration, and undermining of cultural identity.     

“Vivimos en Jaula de Oro”: The Impact of State-Level Legislation on Immigrant Latino Families

This study sought to learn from Latino immigrant parents which and how state-level immigration policies impact their families. Fifty-four Latino immigrant parents participated in interviews. Constructivist grounded theory methods were used to complete the analysis. Results indicate that fear of detainment, deportation, and family separation affects participants emotionally and behaviorally. Participants experience exploitive practices in the workplace and through traffic infractions. Social support networks are constantly changing and weakened when families relocate in search of immigrant friendly communities. Simultaneously, parents develop strategies to protect their families against stringent immigration enforcement. Implications for practice, policy, and research are discussed.     

A Study of Transnational Communication Among Iranian Migrant Women in Australia

Through the analysis of 25 interviews with Iranian migrant women in Australia, this study shows how living in different communicative environments can affect transnational communication practices. The case of these Iranian transnational families indicates that the digital divide, in terms of information and communication technology (ICT) infrastructure and communication capacity, may affect the technological quality of ICT-mediated communication. However, the digital divide does not significantly affect the frequency of communication among these families. The findings illustrate that the Iranian migrants in Australia and their family members overseas developed innovative communication practices and went to great lengths to maintain “ordinary” family interactions across national borders.     

Between Christian and multicultural democracy: religious legacies and minority politics

The article presents a comparative analysis of the religious underpinnings of 19 liberal democracies in the West and their relevance for contemporary minority politics. The democratic relevance of religion is conceptualised as stemming from actors (churches, religious parties) and from historical and structural factors such as confessional patterns, relationships between state and church and degrees of secularisation in 19 democracies with a Christian background. The article’s historical mapping demonstrates that democratic development has occurred in distinct patterns rooted in the Catholic?Protestant divide. It then demonstrates that there are distinct effects of this divide on minority politics. It is hypothesised that in line with the confessional patterning of democratisation, Catholic countries and actors seem to be more resistant to the pressures arising from religious pluralisation than Protestant ones and that, even after 9/11, there is no cross-national or cross-confessional convergence in these responses.