《Politics & Policy》2018,46(2):320-344

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《Politics & Policy》2018,46(3):505-528

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《Asian Politics & Policy》2018,10(3):427-441

The Trans‐Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) are two of the most discussed preferential trade agreements (PTAs) in the 21st century. However, the future of these PTAs—whether they will be implemented—still remains mired in debate. This paper empirically explores various factors contributing to the development of the agreements based on the recent patterns of multilateral PTAs across the globe. It also discusses the Comprehensive and Progressive Trans‐Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), for which negotiations have just begun among the TPP members, without the United States. The analysis reveals both political and economic factors that affect the complex situation surrounding these PTAs. In addition, a trilateral PTA among China, Japan, and South Korea may help promote the implementation of the RCEP. The chances of the CPTPP forming are higher than that of the TPP, which means the TPP is likely to form without the United States.  相似文献   

    

《Asian Politics & Policy》2018,10(1):100-114

The India–Pakistan conflict, one of the oldest unresolved interstate conflicts in the world, began in 1947 and has shown no signs of abating. Both realist and constructivist interpretations have offered several differing explanations as to the roots and persistence of this conflict. The article argues that a realist‐constructivist approach as suggested by Samuel Barkin provides a new and better angle for explaining the genesis, evolution, and persistence of the India–Pakistan conflict, in addition to allowing prediction of future developments. Importantly, realist‐constructivism combines several different analytical dimensions: It looks at the way in which power structures affect patterns of normative change in international relations and, conversely, the way in which a particular set of norms affects power structures. Both these dimensions have been overlooked as variables that can explain why it will be difficult to come up with lasting solutions for the India–Pakistan conflict.  相似文献   

    

《Asian Politics & Policy》2018,10(3):442-459

Studies have widely documented the strong opposition to nuclear weapons among the Japanese population. Yet, present research questions the robustness of the anti‐nuclear norms in Japan. Since Japan has been largely dependent on the United States for its security, shifts in the U.S. nuclear strategy in East Asia will significantly influence public attitudes toward nuclear armament in Japan. By taking advantage of the situation in which Donald Trump suggested the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Japan, this study examines the relationship between Japanese citizens’ faith in the U.S. “nuclear umbrella” and their commitment to the anti‐nuclear stance. Results of the statistical analyses show that declining faith in the U.S. nuclear umbrella significantly boosts Japanese citizens’ support for nuclear armament in their country, thus generating critical implications that are highly relevant in understanding the security culture in Japan.  相似文献   

    

Rebecka Villanueva Ulfgard 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(1):50-78

This article focuses on Mexico’s struggle with development—reflected in the country’s continuing persistent poverty, inequality, lack of inclusion, and social mobility—as Mexico finds itself caught between global compromises (the Millennium Development Goals, 2000‐15; the Sustainable Development Goals, 2015‐30) on one hand and National Development Plans (NDP) on the other. I analyze three consecutive NDP since the transition to democracy in 2000 and look ahead to announced changes in the “Project for the Nation 2018‐24.” I also take stock of how international and national organizations have monitored and evaluated these issues. Doing so enables us to identify, problematize, and reflect on where Mexico is heading with this particular struggle. It has produced, I argue, a certain dissonance or even myth concerning development entangled between grand documents mirroring global compromises and a rather bleak reality when transformed into domestic policies for development.  相似文献   

    

Csar Villanueva  Eduardo Luciano Tadeo Hernndez 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(1):28-49

Two characteristic aspects of Mexican foreign policy and its operative arm, diplomacy, define the challenges the country must face in the twenty‐first century: one is a doctrinarian diplomatic tradition of goodwill and defensiveness (principles of nonintervention, self‐determination, and peaceful conflict resolution), which is clearly inadequate for facing current global challenges. The other is a fragmented push for modernity whose scope is limited to certain areas of the diplomatic agenda (human rights, democracy, multilateral activism), with a strong focus on specific contemporary issues (gender equality, the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the inclusion of civil society) which, at least in the short term, lacks the necessary strength and tools to define the course of Mexico’s foreign policy.  相似文献   

    

Christina Maags  Ioan Trifu 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(2):326-380

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Luke Fowler 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(2):267-299

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Simplice A. Asongu  Joseph Nnanna 《Politics & Policy》2019,47(4):807-848

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