“有权不可任性”的政治意蕴初探--兼谈学习《政府工作报告》

“大道至简，有权不可任性”是李克强总理在作《政府工作报告》时的幽默表述，这不仅是一句流行的话语，更是建设现代政府的宣言，有着深刻的政治意蕴。从宏观上讲，“有权不可任性”要求优化政府职能，实行简政放权；从中观上讲，“有权不可任性”就是建立健全科学合理的政绩考核体系；从微观上讲，“有权不可任性”要求党员干部树立并践行正确的权力观。     

Tammsaare’s Constructions of Femininity in Light of Weininger’s Concept of Sex Difference

The texts of Estonian literary classic A. H. Tammsaare (1878–1940) can be read as mediating contradictory fin de siècle discourses of modernity. The emergence of these discourses was the effect of an accelerated process of socioeconomic modernization. This article analyzes constructions of femininity in Tammsaare’s literary texts through his women protagonists. The construction of these protagonists can meaningfully be traced to the increasingly insistent presence of women in the public sphere throughout Europe and in Estonia at the period of fin de siècle. Although Tammsaare’s texts speak by means of feminist discourses, his constructions of femininity lean toward the negative, misogynistic pole of these reactions to emancipated and “new” women. His analysis of womanhood often refers to the misogynist theory of gender in Otto Weininger’s popular treatise Geschlecht und Charakter. Eine prinzipielle Untersuchung (Sex and Character. An Investigation of Fundamental Principles), which came out 1903.     

福建汉、畲族D6S1043和D12S391基因座遗传多态性

D12S391和D6S1043基因座分别位于人类第12号和第6号染色体上，核心序列分别为（ATCT）。和（AGAT）x（AGAC）Y（AGAT）z。本文采用Sinofiler试剂盒对福建汉族和畲族上述2个基因座遗传多态性进行调查，为相关检测提供基础数据。     

农民“民告官”心理类型化研究

行政诉讼制度在我国确立已有16年,她对民主与法治观念的普及起到了巨大的作用,但目前该制度在我国农村的运行状况还很不理想。通过实地调查,我们得出农民不提起行政诉讼的心理原因可能是因为“不敢告”、“不愿告”、“不懂告”,其中“不懂告”是最主要原因,而不是人们通常认为的“不敢告”。     

工会工作者应做到六个学会

在工会工作中,工会工作者应当做到"六个学会",即学会适应环境,学会把握机遇,学会克服困难,学会积累资料,学会为人处事,学会平衡心态。     

Fixers as Shadow “Public Servants”: A Case Study of Israel

Fixers can thrive in any level of political, bureaucratic, or institutional development. Paradoxically the academic research of the phenomenon of fixers is in its infancy. There exists no accepted definition of fixers; the boundaries between fixers and lobbyists remain murky, in terms of comparative administration only limited knowledge about the forces that breed different types of fixers in different political settings is available; and no deductive theory was articulated that might determine when and how fixing might become dysfunctional and corruptive. In an attempt to better understand the phenomenon of fixers more theoretically; this study analyzes fixers in view of three theories of bureaucratic corruption, and in view of the emerging theory of alternative politics. Using Israel as a case in point, the study shows that within certain national and local branches of government fixers not only create a shadow copy of official institutions, but also foster institutional corruption.     

Douglas Pike and the NLF

Abstract

Our tragically mistaken policy in Vietnam is in part at least the result of scholarly misapprehension of Vietnamese reality. Experts have not been totally lacking; but too many of these experts have distorted, consciously or unconsciously, the Vietnamese reality they report. Douglas Pike, our “most careful student of the Viet Cong” (Schlesinger, The Bitter Heritage, 36), is a case in point. His book, Viet Cong: The Organization and Techniques of the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam (M.I.T. Press, 1966), received broad praise when it was issued. Bernard Fall called it “excellent” (Two Vietnams, 357); the APSR reviewer described it as “among the very, best (books) on any aspect of contemporary Vietnam” (American Political Science Review, LXI.2.495 (June 1967)). In this brief review of Viet Cong I shall indicate Pike's general bias, specific points in his argument, and objections to his framework.     

Kyrgyzstan between democratization and ethnic intolerance

The international community has expressed great concern about the treatment of the Uzbek minority in the south of Kyrgyzstan and has called on the majority community to make major efforts to improve the situation. The article compares the treatment of minorities in Kyrgyzstan with analogous situations in the Balkans and contends that, given the European-style ethno-national state model and democratic political system that have been adopted by independent Kyrgyzstan, such calls are unrealistic.     

Presidential Leadership on Foreign Policy,Opinion Polling,and the Possible Limits of “Crafted Talk”

The strategy of “crafted talk” (or framing) suggests that a politician uses public opinion to anticipate the most alluring, language to convince the public to follow a politician's own preferred policy (Jacobs & Shapiro, 2000 Jacobs, L. R. and Shaprio, R. Y. 2000. Politicians don't pander: Political manipulation and the loss of democratic responsiveness, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.  [Google Scholar]). This manipulatory behavior by presidents has important consequences in the realm of constructing foreign policy, especially if the policy involves military service personnel, international prestige, or foreign conflict. However, no scholar has investigated White House archival data to examine the theoretical nuances of presidential “crafting” talk when constructing arguments for foreign policy. This article examines three case studies using internal polling memoranda and focus group results concerning the Vietnam War under President Johnson, the signing of the INF Treaty with the Soviet Union under President Reagan, and the Gulf War under President Bush. In each of the three cases, public opinion places serious constraints on presidential framing of foreign policy. Implications for the effectiveness of political framing and the limits of presidential persuasion are discussed.     

Observatory's linguistic landscape: semiotic appropriation and the reinvention of space

Using a longitudinal ethnographic study of the linguistic landscape (LL) in Observatory's business corridor of Lower Main Road, the paper explores changes brought about by the influx of immigrant Africans, their artefacts and language practices. The paper uses the changes in the LL over time and the development of an “African Corner” within Lower Main Road, to illustrate the appropriation of space and the unpredictability, which comes along with highly mobile, technological and multicultural citizens. It is argued that changes in the LL are part of the act of claiming and appropriating space wherein space becomes summarily recontexualized and hence reinvented and “owned” by new actors. It is also argued that space ownership can be concealed through what we have called “brand anonymity” strategies in which the identity of the owner is deliberately concealed behind global brands. We conclude that space is pliable and mobile, and that, it is the people within space who carve out new social practices in their appropriated space.