论奥古斯丁《上帝之城》的教会历史观念

《上帝之城》第十五和十六卷围绕复活之子的观念,论述了希望求告上帝的名与教会论之间的关系,阐释了教会作为地上之城的羁旅的含义。本文指出奥古斯丁历史哲学视野下教会的福音性本质,即教会是流动着的爱的会幕。奥古斯丁又把这种福音性的爱进一步表达为公民的责任,告诫教会不仅要警惕他自身与世俗的权柄之间的关系,而且要警惕以在天的权柄即在上帝之名下拥有权柄介入世俗共同体的界限。奥古斯丁以他对教会的福音性理解诠释了为我们的上帝的历史性。     

新时代大学生的爱国主义教育现状调查与分析——以Z大学为例

爱国主义是中华民族精神的核心,爱国主义教育是大学教育的重要内容。通过对Z大学的调查发现,部分大学生对爱国主义的认识不够全面。在实际的学习与生活中,大都有参与爱国主义教育的实践活动。大学生们普遍表示希望加强爱国主义教育。提升大学生的爱国主义教育,可以从加强党史和社会主义发展史的教育,有效地将影视作品运用于爱国主义教育的教学中,以及组织学生就近参观爱国主义教育基地等方面努力。     

十八大以来我国“放管服”改革的动因、成效、困境及推进策略

党的十八大以来,“放管服”改革已经持续多年,改革力度之大、改革范围之广、改革程度之深,是历次改革中所没有的。这场改革动因主要是推进国家治理体系与治理能力的现代化、应对国际复杂形势及新智能革命带来的挑战、满足人民对美好生活的向往。改革的举措主要有行政审批制度改革、清单制度改革、服务流程再造、证照分离、减税减负、优化服务、监管改革等。通过改革促进营商环境便利化、服务方式智能化、市场监管精准化,有效激发了市场活力,规范了政府权力,化解了市场主体的“堵点”“难点”“痛点”。改革也在制度、监督以及基层积极性等方面存在问题。未来“放管服”改革进一步推进的策略主要包括价值的调适整合、结构的互动整合、机制的协同整合、技术的嵌入整合、执行的配套整合、制度的优化整合等。     

基层协商民主中的公共理性培育:实践逻辑与发展理路——以浙江省深化“请你来协商”平台建设为例

当前我国语境下的基层协商民主尚处于民主政治运行的探索时期,有关社会风险化解、参与平台构建以及意识能力强化等方面要素仍不健全。地方政府作为制度建构与执行的主要载体和城乡社会治理模式创新的核心力量,必须加强对基层协商民主的现实主张。事实证明,我国基层协商民主中公共理性的成长发育是一个较为长期的实践发展历程。基于权力主导与权利本位互嵌整合的发展逻辑,地方政府应通过转变认知取向、寻求价值认同以及塑造公共精神等多维路径,来积极培育公共理性,推动协商民主广泛多层制度化发展,切实建立起程序合理、环节完整的社会主义协商民主体系,进而将人民政协的制度优势转化为治理效能,实现国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的发展目标。     

Automated estimation of the number of contributors in autosomal STR profiles

Estimating the number of contributors to mixed STR profiles can be complex. This study describes the nC-tool to assist DNA expert in this process. The nC-tool is based on the total allele count for PowerPlex® Fusion 6C profiles and showed improved performance when compared to the maximum allele count approach.     

Introducing the Open Clause to improve copyright flexibility in cyberspace? Analysis and commentary on the proposed “two-step test” in the Third Amendment to the Copyright Law of the PRC,in comparison with the EU and the US

The so called “three-step test”, that the limitations and exceptions of copyright shall be allowed in certain special cases, provided that they do not conflict with a normal exploitation of the work and do not unreasonably prejudice the legitimate interests of the author, grants copyright flexibilities to balance the interests of all stakeholders, especially within the European system of circumscribed limitations and exceptions. This is essential for the domain of computer law, confronted by rapid and unpredictable global technological developments, and is, thus, enshrined in the most important international intellectual property (IP) treaties. Through the proposed third amendment to the Copyright Law of the PRC, the legislature intends to adopt this test while also introducing an open-ended list of limitations and exceptions that constitutes a China-specific “two-step test.” This contravenes prima facie the thesis endorsed by the WTO Panel in the case concerning Section 110(5) of the US Copyright Act in 2000. In contrast, court decisions in China frequently apply the fair use doctrine of US copyright law, neglecting to consider its peculiar context of the US common law tradition and, thus, unduly expanding the Chinese courts' discretionary power.This paper summarizes the case law in China and takes a comparative approach to address the divergence between the judicial application of cyber copyright law and the existing legislation. It suggests revising the proposed Article 43 of the Copyright Law of the PRC to capture the due interpretation of the three-step test, thereby finessing the delineation between rights protection and free use with the compensation of remuneration under the principle of proportionality. It argues that transplanting the US fair use doctrine into Chinese copyright law is feasible, but with the preconditions of endeavouring to strengthen judicial reform to integrate the IP adjudication systems, enhancing the coherence and efficiency of copyright enforcement, and facilitating consistent dialogues between scholars, practitioners, and lawmakers.     

A Neoconservative Consensus in Russia?

This article analyzes the ideational consensus that has taken shape in contemporary Russian politics, including its key components, and factors both of stability and of potential erosion. Noting the extraordinary durability of this consensus, which is supported by factors including the duration of the regime itself, its support among elites and the bureaucracy, effective mobilizational propaganda and conservative orientations among the middle classes and dominant public opinion, the author draws attention to several factors – as yet less evident – that may in the future change the situation. Among these are the volatility of public opinion, potential intra-elite dynamics, and the internal contradictions of the neo-conservative idea itself.     

河南汉族群体D6S1043和D12S391遗传多态性

本文调查了D12S391和D6S1043基因座等位基因频率在231名河南汉族群体中的分布,以期为这两个基因座在相关汉族群体内的应用提供基础数据。     

高等学校“概论”课开放式教学方式探索——“听、读、评、写、研”教学模式实践及启示

在“毛泽东思想和中国特色社会主义理论体系概论”课程教学中开展“听、说、读、评、研”教学活动,是深化教学改革,培养创新型人才的可行途径之一。在教学中结合课程内容让学生读一些相关的书目,搞一些同学们有兴趣又能参与其中的活动,使同学们在了解历史但又不脱离现实生活的状态下,既掌握了知识又活跃了课堂气氛,提高了同学们的理论素养以及分析问题和解决问题的能力,从而坚定在中国共产党的领导下走中国特色社会主义道路的理想信念。     

Arab Muslim Attitudes Toward the West: Cultural,Social, and Political Explanations

We utilize pooled data from Zogby International's 2002 Zogby, James. 2002. What Arabs Think: Values Beliefs and Concerns, Utica NY: Zogby International.  [Google Scholar] Arab Values Survey (carried out in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Kuwait, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, and UAE) in order to test for “cultural,” “social” and/or international “political” influences on Arab Muslim attitudes toward “Western” countries (Canada, France, Germany, UK, and USA). We find little support for “cultural” hypotheses to the effect that hostility to the West is a mark-up on Muslim and/or Arab identity. We find only limited support for “social” hypotheses that suggest that hostility to the West is predicted by socioeconomic deprivation, youth, and/or being male. We find the strongest support for a lone “political” hypothesis: hostility toward specific Western countries is predicted by those countries' recent and visible international political actions in regard to salient international issues (e.g., Western foreign policies toward Palestine).