所有权概念的演变的启示

本文旨在通过对所有权变迁的梳理,尤其是从《法国民法典》到《德国民法典》间所有权内涵的演变,从而分析并得出民法理论的思想是一个从自由主义向国家主义发展的脉络,但是这种发展的弊端是对个人权利的极大损害,乃至不利于国家向现代国家的转变。我国在建国后的一段时间所采用的是国家主义立法理念,这种理念在当今社会主义市场经济条件下的不适应性使得我们需要重新反思究竟用何种法律理念去引领未来。     

Democratic Transition and Economic Transition： The Case of Tunisia

This paper develops the issue of economic transition linked to a democratic transition that a developing country, Tunisia, is living following the revolution of 2011. Tunisia has made a profound change, it is currently developing new institutions, however, it is not an annuitant country, its activities and economic performances depend on political stability and the choice of the implemented politico-economic system. The question is whether the operating political forces will affect the direction of structural changes, thus toward a transition of breakage or the direction of adaptive transition. Neo-liberalism, practiced for 30 years, has developed an entrepreneurship structured as small and medium enterprises, whose performances are variable according to the sector and the state role. With the revolution, the country entered in a phase of political, social, and economic instability. A new constitution is passed, the political system installs the multiparty system, the country has a tradition of openness to the rest of the world, the challenges are numerous and the question of the role of the state in the economic sphere is very acute. The analysis is based on the observation of facts and the review and analysis of data relating to politics and economy, observed in the period before the revolution and after the revolution.     

施米特《宪法学说》中自由与民主对立思想探析

德国法学家施米特在其一生最大篇幅的法学著作《宪法学说》中详细分析了魏玛德国宪法中的"法治国"因素与民主因素,并进而指出二者间存在着不相容的矛盾对立关系。这种对立使承载着近代自由主义精神的议会对大众民主政治不仅不能起到加强作用,反而不断弱化其效用,最终使一个国家的政治决断从传统的、公共性的政治领域转入私性的资产阶级经济寡头之类的新型精英手中。施米特在《宪法学说》中将自由与民主对立起来的做法,建立在他对政治独特的理解基础之上,同时也是当时德国历史处境的一种理论上的反映,对之进行研究是理解施米特,也是理解近代德国政治思想发展的一个关键点。     

西方共同体主义及其中国意义

西方共同体主义是一种思想传统悠久并具有极强实践面向的社会政治哲学思潮,是对作为西方主流政治话语的自由主义的一种修正与完善,在原子主义自我观、权利优先论、消极自由观、政治碎片化和价值中立观的批判方面卓有建树。作为思想他者的西方共同体主义在质疑普世主义、构思公共领域、强调历史叙事意识、重构现代性观念等方面对我国的社会主义核心价值体系建设、社会管理创新探索、民族传统文化复兴、现代化发展道路具有重要的借鉴意义。     

让假话没有生存的“土壤”

在下基层调研时发现,有些基层干部,虽然整天身在兵中,却不敢听基层官兵的意见,不敢让群众议论,一听到“不同声音”就给扣上“不讲政治”、“犯自由主义”、“不保持一致”的帽子。这种现象表明,在少数干部中存在一种不敢讲真话、不爱听真话的风气,甚至少数干部为求提拔,弄虚作假、编造政绩,汇报工作,讲成绩头头是道、     

Productivity Improvement and Public Personnel Management： An Analysis of Presidents Reagan and Obama Administration

Considering the financial crises, all the recent presidents have emphasized the importance of productivity improvement in government, especially in public personnel management. Though there is a general agreement on the concept of productivity, the means to achieve productivity vary with president＇s ideology. President Reagan championed the cause of conservatism. On one hand, despite Obama＇s attempt to diffuse ideological question, his actions can be regarded as liberal. This study seeks to make a comparison between Presidents Reagan and Obama on their efforts in productivity improvement in public personnel management, based on their ideological preferences. President Reagan campaigned on an anti-Washington agenda. He promoted the idea that the government is the problem rather than the solution. He popularized the idea that the people are burdened with heavy taxation as a result of the big government. Therefore, the solution to heavy taxation was to cut big government, which can be accomplished by reducing unnecessary and expensive regulations. On the other hand, when President Obama came to office, the country was faced not only with a deep recession, but two difficult wars, the collapse of the banking and the auto industries, the housing crisis, and overall capacity crisis in the government. Obama resisted ideological level in his campaign speeches to diffuse the criticisms of the conservatives.     

不平等的动力机制:对话托马斯·皮凯蒂

正法国经济学家托马斯·皮凯蒂(Thomas Piketty)的最新著作《21世纪的资本》一经问世,就产生了广泛影响,甚至被称为"近10年来最重要的经济学著作"。《新左翼评论》2014年第1/2月号刊登的对皮凯蒂的访谈正是围绕着这一新作展开的。该访谈涉及收入不平等、财富积累和集中、不平等与民主制度的关系、代际冲突、累进税等一系列重要问题。本访谈是《新左翼评论》在艾丽     

老板书架

《舍我其谁:胡适》作者:江勇振出版社:浙江人民出版社出版定价:88.00元内容简介:1917—1927年是青年胡适名满天下、如日中天的巅峰十年。他引爆五四新文化运动,引领公众舆论,参与思想、政治论争,争夺文化霸权,时刻站在时代的风口浪尖。短短十年,青年胡适一跃成为"20世纪中国第一公共知识分子"、"中国自由主义的先驱"。本书大量征引第一手材料,跳出胡适研究窠臼,纠正周策纵、唐德刚、林毓生、周质平、罗志田等名家旧说,还原一个有血有肉的"多面胡适"。     

西方应对突发事件的社会合力及其限度

骤然面临重大风险事件的冲击,纪律与秩序是相互协作形成集体行动合力把损失降到最低的重要条件.西方国家在面对新冠肺炎疫情时,不能一开始就像中韩等东亚国家那样采取严格的管控措施,这与东西方文化预装的差异有关.尽管一些领导人已经认识到了应该怎样应对,并呼吁避免民族主义和个人主义陷阱,但长期推崇个人主义、疏离集体主义的文化预装,可能会让疫情初显下的强硬管控遭遇空前的社会反弹.推崇个人主义的西方社会面对疫情同样需要团结.面对新冠肺炎疫情这个敌人,我们一方面要呼吁国际社会团结一致,建立对抗敌人的统一阵线,以期最大限度避免敌人造成的损害,另一方面也要对合作者中的退步因素加以及时的揭露和斗争,避免其对统一阵线造成损害.