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381.
Lora Anne Viola 《Global Society》2020,34(3):335-352
ABSTRACT The international system has long distinguished classes of states, such as “great powers”. Recently, “systemically significant states” has emerged as a new designation within global financial governance. This designation was introduced by the G7 to justify the new membership composition of the G20, and has since been adopted in policy documents and recommendations by other institutions, such as the IMF. This article traces the origins of the term “systemically significant” and argues that, although nominally meant to be a term of inclusion and a signal of the pluralisation of governance authority, it instead serves as a new category of stratification rooted in a neoliberal governmentality of risk. 相似文献
382.
Aanor Roland 《European Policy Analysis》2020,6(1):77-99
This paper discusses the recent initiatives of the EU against tax evasion and tax avoidance from a Multiple Streams perspective. By combining a chronological review of EU tax provisions with a quantitative content analysis of official EU documents, I show how both EU corporate tax policy and the way it is framed have changed over time: From market‐enhancing toward market‐regulating tax measures that explicitly address corporate tax avoidance. Contrary to what is often assumed, findings show that the crucial window of opportunity did not stem from the financial and Eurozone crisis, but rather from the accumulation of tax scandals since 2013. Furthermore, my analysis differentiates between the entrepreneurship of the Commission as a whole and the individual entrepreneurship of single personalities to better understand the dynamics that lead to policy change in the EU. 相似文献
383.
We have a very limited understanding of citizens’ knowledge about their social rights. It is well‐established that people on average know little about politics and research also suggests that many harbor substantial misperceptions about the outcomes of benefit systems in terms of the amount of fraud, trends in claims, and overall costs. Yet, we lack solid insights into people's knowledge about the design of social rights (what we label ‘policy knowledge’ for short). It is precisely this knowledge on the design of social policies, however, which is of prime importance for scholars of social policy because this is what governments actually change when reforming the welfare state. Employing survey evidence from Denmark and Germany, we try to address this lacuna. We find a mixed picture in the sense that policy knowledge in a few specific issues is high, but typically, when the issue has been salient in the public. Overall, policy knowledge is low. 相似文献
384.
Mohammad Soltaninejad 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(1):104-121
The persistence of tensions in Iran—Saudi Arabia relations is the result of negative emotional predispositions that have formed the identities of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia vis‐à‐vis each other. The national component of the Iranian identity enforces disinclination towards Saudi Arabia, whereas its religious component is mired in a feeling of pain inherited from mistreatment that the Shi’a have tolerated throughout history. This pain translates into resentment against Saudi Arabia, a state seen as oppressing Shi’a populations. This is aggravated by the feeling of being humiliated by the western powers, with Iran’s emotional perception of Saudi Arabia becoming more negative due to close cooperation between Saudi Arabia and the Western great powers. Saudi identity also inherits Arabism’s reluctance to accept Iran. As a result, both countries live in an atmosphere of mutual mistrust and fear that explains the persistence of tensions in their relations. 相似文献
385.
Rakhmat Syarip 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(2):227-249
From 2003 to March 2018, Malaysia showed increasing enthusiasm toward forging free trade agreements (FTAs). This article analyzes the factors that determined its attitude, focusing on: (i) why it is currently active; (ii) why it selects specific partners; and (iii) why it combines moderate with comprehensive liberalization. It is found that the interplay between ideas, institutions, and interests are important to explain the causes. First, both state interventionism and neoliberal ideas influence these outcomes. Second, within the competitive authoritarian institutions, neoliberal supporters have benefited from executive‐heavy policymaking processes, while the anti‐FTA groups failed to forge a strong alliance. Third, interaction between two veto points – the neoliberal executive and the resistant faction within the ruling party – created compromise and convergence in FTA policy. Ultimately, Malaysia has an “assertive but reserved” attitude toward reconciling differences between old embeddedness and new international practices. 相似文献
386.
Timothy S. Rich 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(1):27-42
What explains the success of the upstart People’s Party in the 2016 Korean National Assembly election? Through preelection survey data, this article first identifies the demographic factors corresponding with support for the People’s Party and how this differs from preexisting parties. Next, it elaborates on how the two‐vote electoral system may have benefitted the People’s Party by encouraging voters to cast a party list vote for the party while casting a district vote for one of the larger parties, consistent with strategic voting. Further analysis shows that People’s Party supporters that intended to vote for their party’s district candidate, and thus cast a sincere rather than strategic district vote, were less likely than other partisans to split their votes across two parties. 相似文献
387.
Bibek Chand 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(1):122-143
The article analyzes the security dynamics of competing regional powers that have the added characteristic of geographic contiguity. It argues that geographic contiguity further exacerbates rivalry between two rising regional powers. As geographically contiguous regional powers attempt to build regional security frameworks as a step toward possible hegemony, they are bound to encounter conflicting interests. Due to the overwhelming decline of violent conquest and the extensive cost of undertaking war with another rising regional power, competing powers resort to soft balancing approaches in trying to constrain the rival’s strategic space. The Sino‐Indian relationship is used as a case study given their geographic contiguity, status as rising powers, and rivalrous bilateral relationship. 相似文献
388.
Nurdiana Gaus 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(2):294-313
This article examines the oxymoronic issues regarding the role of the state in higher education under the implementation of New Public Management (NPM) advocated by neoliberal ideology. According to its proponents, NPM can increase success and productivity and, thus, foster more democratic governance. In this NPM‐driven web of relationships, the central issue always lies in whether the state should play minimal or maximal roles via a set of performative measurements. This article analyzes this interaction and relationship between the state and higher education, taking Indonesia as an object of analysis. It seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the theory and practice of public administration and public policy on education, particularly regarding the role of state in a particular context, like that of Indonesia, in which NPM and the neoliberal agenda are taking root. 相似文献
389.
While terrorism and violence tend to move in parallel, the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) has brought this to new heights in its quest to attain an Islamic State in southern Philippines. Though small compared to other Islamist organizations, namely the Moro National Liberation Front and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, its violent acts—kidnapping, beheading of hostages, among others—have more than made up for its size. In fact, it has been the most brutal terrorist movement in the Philippines. Partly due to this and the allegiance of its leadership to the equally brutal transnational terrorist group, Islamic State, its leader Isnilon Hapilon was designated as the Amir of Southeast Asia. The group was responsible for the Marawi Siege, which ran for five months from May to October 2017, and is considered the worst terrorist‐linked bloodbath in the country. The deaths of pro‐Islamic State leaders such as Hapilon are unlikely to change this key DNA of the ASG and of terrorism in the Philippines in the near future. 相似文献
390.
Shirzad Azad 《Asian Politics & Policy》2019,11(2):279-293
In spite of its peculiar international standing and regardless of its geographical distance as well as politico‐cultural differences with the Middle East, Taiwan has surprisingly managed to forge rather manifold connections to the region for close to seven decades. Taiwan has built amicable and symbiotic politico‐diplomatic ties with key Mideast countries, developing continuous partnership with them without the privilege of having those instrumental types of attachment. As a result, Taipei occupies a unique position in the international relations of the region. Still, this phenomenon has largely escaped the attention of both academic and policy circles around the world, as major developments in Taiwan’s interactions with the Middle East over past decades were hardly recorded or scrutinized. This study probes Taiwan’s atypical foreign policy orientation toward the Middle East by looking into critical milestones in Taipei’s connections with the region. 相似文献