Maritime security in the Black Sea: can regional solutions work?1

The development of a European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has been seen by some as key to giving the EU greater international influence, by others as a threat to the EU's strengths as a civilian power. This article finds that, as of 2002, the EU's new military dimension could not be conceived as a fundamental threat to its civilian power acquis. Concerns have justifiably been raised over the possible diversion of resources into the military sphere, the emergence of a less transparent policy‐making culture and ESDP's effect on the way the EU is perceived from outside. However, force levels have remained limited and most policymakers see the new EU Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) as an instrument for complementing civilian elements of crisis management. This article measures ESDP more specifically against the substantive approaches towards security challenges that the EU has elaborated. It argues that European strategies suffer most notably from political‐level conceptual weaknesses that cut across both civilian and military domains and that the incipient ESDP has yet to address.     

泰国高层对南海争端的看法

泰国本身并非南海主权申索国,但试图在南海问题上扮演协调者的角色。泰国官方对南海争端给予极高的关注度。本文试从泰国主流媒体近两年所刊载的泰国官方对南海争端的表态,尤其是总理和各部首脑的发言,对泰国政府在南海争端中的基本立场进行分析解读。     

两岸合作开发南海渔业资源法律机制构建

南海自古以来便是中国渔民的重要作业渔场。两岸合作开发南海渔业资源,是解决南海争端的重要着手点和突破口。两岸南海渔业合作符合双方共同利益,但这一合作必定面临诸多内外因素阻碍。内部因素是两岸主权共识缺失、互信基础薄弱、沟通渠道有限;外部因素是南海周边国家的分化和美国的阻扰。然而,南海渔业资源北衰南兴的现状与外来侵渔的紧迫形势决定了两岸加紧合作共同维护南海渔业资源主权权利是必要的。目前两岸在政策、法律和技术层面的一致性、默契性和互补性也决定了双方南海渔业合作是可行的。两岸可基于《海峡两岸经济合作框架协议》已搭建的制度化平台,由两岸经济合作委员会成立南海渔业工作小组,通过签订协议的方式构建南海渔业资源合作开发法律机制。     

20世纪90年代以来南海争端中的美国因素

20世纪90年代中期以来,美国以保护自由通航为由逐步介入南海的争端,并将此作为实现其亚太战略的一种手段。美国的介入对中国南海主权权益的维护产生的负面影响是：危及中国战略安全利益,增加中国收回南海主权的难度,加剧了地区紧张局势。中国政府坚定地表达了维护国家领土主权的决心和意志,并采取了切实措施维护中国的领海主权;坚持“以邻为善,以邻为伴”的周边外交政策,加强与东盟的战略沟通和战略互信：有针对性地应对美国在南海地区的利益需求。     

Challenges to the East Asian environment

Abstract

Can economic interdependence reduce conflicts among states in East Asia? The so-called ‘cold politics and hot economics’ has become a defining feature of Sino-Japanese political-economic relations. This puzzling pattern of interaction is clearly illustrated in the sovereignty dispute over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands. The island dispute has unfolded in five rounds of distinct clashes thus far. From one perspective, the competitive elements in the island dispute make it difficult for both Japan and China to give way to the other side on the territorial and maritime issues. At the same time, the two countries have successfully managed to contain their respective territorial and maritime claims thus far. Drawing on the liberal peace theory, this article systematically demonstrates that economic interdependence has repeatedly fostered the de-escalation of Sino-Japanese conflict over territorial and maritime rights.     

Managing North Sea Pollution Effectively:Linking International and Domestic Institutions

Most pollution problems arise as by-products of domestic activity. The effectiveness of international environmental regimes thus depends on the operations of domestic political and administrative institutions. However, the study of regime effectiveness tends to overlook the operation of domestic institutions as well as the interests and preferences of sub-national non-state actors. In this article, a framework for combining the study of regime effectiveness with domestic institutions and actors is initially presented. The merits of this framework within the context of the North Sea regime is then explored. The article concludes that the effectiveness of this regime depends on the operation of both international and domestic institutions. Of particular importance are those sub-national actors actually causing the problem in the first place as well as domestic institutions influencing the behaviour of target groups.     

欲望表征的缺失——对《老人与海》的一种拉康式解读

对《老人与海》的一种拉康式的解读揭示出海明威无意识欲望所体现的无法满足的缺失,这种缺失表征在老人/海明威对“王者”地位、博爱的宗教观、完美女性的渴望中。这三方面的缺失通过开放性的能指交汇重叠,构建了海明威基本的人生观,其无意识欲望表征的缺失就是《老人与海》的所指。这是对《老人与海》作“重压下的风度”或“没有女人的男人”的传统僵化解读的一种颠覆。     

振兴东北老工业基地 造就东北亚区域经济合作关系

党和国家从全面建设小康社会的大目标出发,已经把振兴东北老工业基地提到日程。面对当今世界经济发展新态势,加大环渤海与图们江地区开发力度,以市场经济先导区拉动“大大连”建设,注重在内部与外部的结合上培育出中国第四大经济增长极、成长因素和良好氛围,才能有效地加快东北老工业基地的振兴进程,使之成长为东北亚区域的新兴工业基地、现代装备基地、生态农业基地和农畜产品出口加工基地。     

海上军事活动的界定与美国南海“灰色地带行动”

作为对华海上竞争的工具,美国在南海的"灰色地带行动"很大程度上利用了《联合国海洋法公约》的模糊性,其中包括《公约》下军事活动界定的标准不明。事实上,海上军事活动的界定作为《公约》的遗留问题,一直备受理论界关注,但时至今日在国际司法实践中仍然争议不断,加之当下还面临着传统海洋强国与以中国为代表的新兴海洋大国的利益冲突加剧、主权国家的海上活动形式日益丰富等新挑战,导致海上军事活动的界定变得更加错综复杂。根据国际司法实践,在军事活动的界定中法庭或仲裁庭主要关注主体因素、行为方式和活动目的,这三个要素构建起了以海上活动的主体为初步证据、重点考察行为方式、在有限范围内兼顾活动目的的界定思路。对中国而言,以实证视角审视作为美国南海典型"灰色地带行动"的"航行自由行动",有助于客观全面认识其法律性质,进而从国际法层面有力回击美国的海上霸权行为,助力完善应对美国南海"灰色地带行动"的中国方案,最终在实现强化南海维权执法的同时,避免冲突失控,妥善处理波谲云诡的南海局势。     

U.S.-VIETNAM RELATIONS IN THE TRUMP ERA

This paper seeks to examine U.S.-Vietnam relations under the Trump administration. It will concentrate on the political, economic and security dimensions of the relationship. It will demonstrate that the Trump administration's policy towards Vietnam has many elements of Obama's policy towards Vietnam. Though President Trump has focused on the trade deficit with Vietnam, the Trump administration has worked closely with the Vietnamese government to intensify the partnership with Vietnam. It should be noted that in the context of China's growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, Hanoi and Washington see that it is in their mutual interests to advance their security cooperation. The last two years have witnessed the increasing partnership between Vietnam and the United States.